de\u011ferlendirmelerde<\/a>\u00a0bulundu.<\/p>\nK\u00fcrt yazar ve hukuk\u00e7u F\u0131rat Ayd\u0131nkaya Gazeteci B\u00fclet Ulus\u2019un sorular\u0131na verdi\u011fi yan\u0131tlar \u015f\u00f6yle:<\/p>\n
-31 Mart 2019 yerel se\u00e7imlerinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonucu bir \u201cFetret D\u00f6nemi\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirmi\u015f, 2023 genel se\u00e7imlerini ise \u201cK\u00fcrt siyaseti fetret devri e\u015fi\u011fini a\u015f\u0131p gerileme d\u00f6nemine girmi\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.\u201d \u00a0tespitinde bulunmu\u015ftunuz. 31 Mart 2024 se\u00e7imleri bu tespitleriniz \u00fczerinden bug\u00fcn nas\u0131l okunmal\u0131 sizce?<\/em><\/strong><\/b><\/p>\nA\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131 \u201c\u015fark cephesi\u201dnde de\u011fi\u015fen pek bir \u015fey yok. Her ne kadar oryantalist bir t\u0131n\u0131yla s\u00f6ylese de\u00a0\u201c\u015eark oturup beklemenin yeridir.\u201d<\/em>\u00a0diyen Tanp\u0131nar\u2019a at\u0131fla diyebilirim ki; epey zamand\u0131r K\u00fcrt siyaseti \u201coturup beklemenin\u201d yeri. Daha a\u00e7\u0131k s\u00f6ylemem gerekirse, K\u00fcrt siyasetindeki\u00a0fetret devri<\/em>\u00a0giderek kronik bir h\u00e2l al\u0131yor. Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun en dinamik kitlesine sahip bir hareketin fetret devrinde patinaj yapmas\u0131 ilgin\u00e7 bir durum her \u015feyden \u00f6nce. Sebebi her ne olursa olsun, K\u00fcrt siyasetinin bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecinden sonraki siyasi kompozisyonu \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015f durumda. Bu h\u00e2liyle y\u00fcr\u00fcyecek yol kalmad\u0131.<\/p>\nHer ne kadar K\u00fcrt hareketi yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 son hamlelerle araban\u0131n yolda patinaj yapmas\u0131n\u0131 arabaya ve \u015fof\u00f6re ba\u011flay\u0131p pe\u015f pe\u015fe araba ve \u015fof\u00f6r\u00fc de\u011fi\u015ftirse de bunlar palyatif tedbirler. Sorun arabada de\u011fil zira, sorun yolun bizzat kendisinde. Yol bitti \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc.<\/p>\n
Bana kal\u0131rsa bunun en b\u00fcy\u00fck sebebini de son on be\u015f y\u0131ll\u0131k ideolojik d\u00fczenekte aramal\u0131.\u00a0 Daha a\u00e7\u0131k konu\u015fay\u0131m m\u00fcsaade ederseniz. Bu a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde ideolojik bir kriz, hem de \u00e7ifte kriz; yani hem postkolonyalizmin krizi hem radikal demokrasinin krizi. Hat\u0131rlayal\u0131m son on be\u015f y\u0131ll\u0131k ideolojik strateji b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7en iki ideolojik kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131n senteziydi. Laclau-Mouffe \u00fczerinden\u00a0radikal demokrasi<\/em>\u00a0stratejisi \u015famil k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131rken, \u00f6te taraftan\u00a0yeniden in\u015fa<\/em>, postkolonyalizmin anlam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inden formatland\u0131.<\/p>\nUlusal kurtulu\u015f siyasetinin krizi<\/strong><\/b><\/p>\nPostkolonyal okumalar\u0131n tesiriyle K\u00fcrtl\u00fck ve K\u00fcrdistan mefkuresi nostaljik bir ta\u015fra esintisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. S\u0131n\u0131fsal ezilmi\u015flik aciliyeti olmayan, m\u00fcstakbel bir demokratik devrimin ertesine b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. Bu \u015fekilde K\u00fcrt siyaseti ezilenlerin siyaseti olmaktan \u00e7ok orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n stat\u00fc talebine arac\u0131l\u0131k eden, \u00e7evreden merkeze do\u011fru hareket eden bir filika h\u00e2lini ald\u0131.<\/p>\n
Radikal demokrasi teorisi \u0130sve\u00e7 veya k\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131\u2019ndaki ortamlarda bile r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcn\u00fc ispatlayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00e2lde, 15 Temmuz\u2019dan sonra yeni fa\u015fizm unsurlar\u0131nca tahkim edilmi\u015f, fetih i\u015ftah\u0131yla donat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, totaliter bir yeni devletin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na diktirildi. Hat\u0131rlayal\u0131m l\u00fctfen, eninde sonunda\u00a0Hegemonya ve Sosyalist Strateji<\/em>\u00a0yazarlar\u0131, var olan demokrasiyi demokratikle\u015ftirmekten bahsediyordu. Peki ya demokrasinin esamesi okunmuyorsa ne olacak? Cevap basit: T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki K\u00fcrt siyasetinin ba\u015f\u0131na gelen \u015feyler zuhur edecekti. Sonu\u00e7 ortada, radikal demokrasi teorisi kolonyal bir d\u00fczenekte i\u015f g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor, g\u00f6rmez de.<\/p>\n\u0130kinci kriz ise postkolonyalizmin de\u011ferlerinin kriziydi. Unutmayal\u0131m ki ulusal kurtulu\u015f hareketleri Afrika\u2019da ve Hindistan\u2019da ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131 benzer \u015fekilde sert bir de\u011ferler kriziyle y\u00fcz y\u00fcze kald\u0131lar. Bu manada biz asl\u0131nda gecikmi\u015f bir krizi ya\u015f\u0131yoruz. Ve \u00fcstelik i\u015fin k\u00f6t\u00fc taraf\u0131 K\u00fcrt halk\u0131, Hindistan veya Afrika\u2019daki milletler gibi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa ula\u015fmadan hatta herhangi bir stat\u00fc elde etmeden bu krize s\u00fcr\u00fcklendi. \u0130\u015fin zor ve i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmaz taraf\u0131 da buras\u0131.<\/p>\n
Sonu\u00e7 itibar\u0131yla fetret devrini kronikle\u015ftiren \u015fey, ayar\u0131 bozulmu\u015f bir siyasi refleks de\u011fil, kadro sosyolojisi de de\u011fil, tek ba\u015f\u0131na carile\u015ftirilen pratik repertuar hi\u00e7 de\u011fil. Olan \u015fey basit\u00e7e ulusal kurtulu\u015f siyasetlerinin gecikilmi\u015f kriziydi. Rojava\u2019n\u0131n sinerjisi bunu bir miktar geciktirse de K\u00fcrt hareketi eninde sonunda bu krizle y\u00fczle\u015fecekti.<\/p>\n
Son se\u00e7im ba\u011flam\u0131nda s\u00f6ylersek, siz bakmay\u0131n tabelaya bak\u0131p skor yorumu yapanlara. Son bir y\u0131lda ge\u00e7irdi\u011fimiz iki se\u00e7imin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 bu krizi alenen teyit etti. \u0130yi taraf\u0131ndan bakal\u0131m, en az\u0131ndan kitlenin canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, kendilik bilinci ve antikolonyal perspektifi partisinin \u00e7ok \u00f6n\u00fcnde.<\/p>\n
Ufukta bir bar\u0131\u015f iklimi g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor<\/strong><\/b><\/p>\n-HDP\/DEM Parti se\u00e7im stratejisini ki\u015filer \u00fczerinden tart\u0131\u015fmak do\u011fru olmasa\u00a0da hem K\u00fcrt siyaseti i\u00e7inde bir e\u011filimi temsil etmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hem de \u201cK\u00fcrt \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcnde akt\u00f6r\u201d olarak da \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131\/\u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in konu\u015fmak gerekiyor.\u00a0Se\u00e7im \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na -\u00f6zellikle Diyarbak\u0131r ve \u00e7evresinde- Leyla Zana da kat\u0131ld\u0131. Verdi\u011fi deme\u00e7lerde ve se\u00e7im \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle \u0130stanbul se\u00e7imleri i\u00e7in bir anlamda K\u00fcrt se\u00e7meninin \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019yla yak\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 zorlayacak vurgular yapt\u0131. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Erdo\u011fan\u2019a K\u00fcrt meselesinin yeniden \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in de \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar yapt\u0131. Erdo\u011fan ise ayn\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7te yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 birka\u00e7 konu\u015fmada b\u00f6yle bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme s\u0131cak bakmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtti\u011fi gibi tam tersi s\u00f6zler de s\u00f6yledi, \u201cTer\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn aparatlar\u0131 ve ter\u00f6ristan\u201d s\u00f6yleminde \u0131srar etti. 2012 ve 2016 y\u0131llar\u0131nda da Leyla Zana, ayn\u0131 konuda yine Erdo\u011fan\u2019a \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u00a0yapm\u0131\u015f ama olumlu yan\u0131t alamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Diyarbak\u0131r \u0130nsan Haklar\u0131 Derne\u011fi de\u00a016-17 Mart tarihlerinde\u00a0yerli ve yabanc\u0131 kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131larla \u201cK\u00fcrt Meselesinin \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc ve Bar\u0131\u015f Konferans\u0131\u201d d\u00fczenledi. Bunlar\u0131 nas\u0131l okunmal\u0131 ya da bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm beklentisinin \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki s\u00fcre\u00e7te\u00a0siyasette reel bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olabilir mi?<\/em><\/strong><\/b><\/p>\nBen bunu bir beklentiden \u00e7ok, bir taktik hamle olarak yorumlama taraftar\u0131y\u0131m. Futbol l\u00fcgatiyle s\u00f6ylersem uzun paslarla, kontra ataklarla iktidar\u0131n se\u00e7im d\u00f6neminde oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 alan markajc\u0131, total ve m\u00fctehakkim futboluna kafa tutma takti\u011fiydi. \u015eu a\u00e7\u0131k ki bu hamlenin K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da kitleyi motive etti\u011fini g\u00f6rmek gerekir. K\u0131sa vadede bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmas\u0131 zor ama bir manada siyasete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn sinyalleriydi bunlar.<\/p>\n
Kabul edelim ki epey zamand\u0131r K\u00fcrt siyaseti negatif siyaset izliyordu, yani iktidar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcrecinde yap\u0131p ettiklerinin if\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 konu alan, iktidar\u0131 deyim yerindeyse hukuk ve kitlesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ofsayta d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir siyasi s\u00f6ylem terenn\u00fcm ediyordu. Bunun tutmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc, zira hakem (hukuk) de iktidar formas\u0131 giyiyordu ve bu ofsayt takti\u011fi taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n da pek umurunda de\u011fildi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131. S\u00f6z konusu K\u00fcrtler oldu\u011funda devletin bir aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131n hukukun d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olmas\u0131 geni\u015f kitleleri \u0131rgalam\u0131yor, hatta daha \u00f6tesini s\u00f6yleyelim, beyaz adam\u0131n hukuku ge\u00e7er ak\u00e7e kabul ediliyor.<\/p>\n
Ama \u015fu da var ki Leyla Zana\u2019n\u0131n inisiyatif alarak sahalara d\u00f6nmesi \u015f\u00fcphe yok ki en az\u0131ndan K\u00fcrdistan\u2019daki K\u00fcrt bilincini bir yere kadar ate\u015fledi. Siyasi g\u00f6zlemciler K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131nda y\u00fczde otuz be\u015flere varan sand\u0131k protestosundan bahsediyor, e\u011fer Zana inisiyatif almasayd\u0131 bu y\u00fczde ellilere dahi \u00e7\u0131kabilirdi.<\/p>\n
B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlarla birlikte ortada en az\u0131ndan \u015fimdilik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcreci benzeri m\u00fczakerelerin bir zemini yok. Ne K\u00fcrt hareketi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcreci d\u00f6nemindeki g\u00fcc\u00fcne sahip ne de \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm isteyen kesimler eski g\u00fcc\u00fcnde. Bu sebeple e\u011fer olabilirse Oslo ve benzeri m\u00fczakere siyasetleri daha olas\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Kald\u0131 ki Ortado\u011fu co\u011frafyas\u0131 b\u00f6lge sava\u015flar\u0131na, b\u00fcy\u00fck alt\u00fcst olu\u015flara gebe g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Bana sorarsan\u0131z b\u00f6ylesi m\u00fcphem ufukta bir bar\u0131\u015f iklimi g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor, tam aksine i\u015fin i\u00e7ine kolektif \u015fiddetlerin de girebilece\u011fi sertle\u015fme politikalar\u0131 daha olas\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n
-Zana\u2019n\u0131n da dillendirdi\u011fi ve \u201c\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm i\u00e7in Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131 esas ald\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d ve ka\u00e7 zamand\u0131r izlenen \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir demokrasiyi hedefleyen ittifak \u00e7izgisine kar\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu\u201d s\u00f6ylenen e\u011filime kar\u015f\u0131 K\u00fcrt bas\u0131n\u0131na da yans\u0131yan yaz\u0131lar yaz\u0131ld\u0131, mesajlar verildi. (\u00d6rn. Delil Bakuri, Evdilmelik F\u0131rat imzal\u0131 yaz\u0131lar\u2026) Se\u00e7im s\u00fcrecinde K\u00fcrt siyasetinde olu\u015ftu\u011fu g\u00f6zlemlenen farkl\u0131 e\u011filim ve \u00e7izgilere dair sizin yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131z nedir?\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/b><\/p>\nBug\u00fcn itibar\u0131yla K\u00fcrt siyaseti, T\u00fcrk toplumuna daha \u00e7ok demokrasi, K\u00fcrtlere ise daha iyi bir T\u00fcrkiye vadediyor. T\u00fcrk toplumu, T\u00fcrk demokrasisine halel getirecek \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir demokrasi fikrine kapal\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. \u00d6yle ki b\u0131rakal\u0131m anayasan\u0131n ilk d\u00f6rt maddesini, darbe anayasas\u0131n\u0131n 66. maddesinin de\u011fi\u015fimini dahi kabule yana\u015fm\u0131yor. Bu ko\u015fullarda K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na vadedilen daha demokratik T\u00fcrkiye vaadi ise K\u00fcrtleri kesmiyor. Kesmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in de K\u00fcrt toplumunda ciddi bir sorgulama ve de\u011fi\u015fim e\u011filimi var. Bu de\u011fi\u015fim i\u015ftiyak\u0131 beni umutlu k\u0131l\u0131yor a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcrecinden bu yana \u00fczerine serilen \u00f6l\u00fc topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekip atm\u0131\u015fa benziyor. Yak\u0131n d\u00f6nemdeki Van \u00f6rne\u011fini hat\u0131rlayal\u0131m mesela.<\/p>\n
Ancak ne yaz\u0131k ki K\u00fcrt siyaseti de K\u00fcrt bas\u0131n\u0131 da h\u00e2l\u00e2 bu de\u011fi\u015fime ayak uydurabilmi\u015f de\u011fil, hatta bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde direniyor. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n antikolonyal ruhu, K\u00fcrt siyasetini ve bas\u0131n\u0131n\u0131 muhasaraya alm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Bu iyi bir \u015fey. K\u00fcrt bas\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n, K\u00fcrt siyasetine oranla bu muhasaraya daha \u00e7ok direnmesi ilgin\u00e7 elbette. \u00d6zellikle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki K\u00fcrt bas\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n yay\u0131n periyodu zaman zaman ilgin\u00e7 bir h\u00e2l al\u0131yor. Baz\u0131 zamanlar ya\u015fl\u0131 siyasi kurtlar\u0131n, kendi g\u00fcndemlerini K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6n\u00fcne koyup dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir b\u00fclten izlenimi veriyor. Ne var ki Ap\u00ea Musa\u2019n\u0131n ruhu elbette bask\u0131n gelecektir, hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphem yok. Bununla birlikte iyi \u015feyler de oluyor ve yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan yay\u0131n yapan\u00a0Politikart<\/em>\u00a0gibi bir platform s\u00fcrecin ruhunu omuzlam\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Bu az buz bir \u015fey de\u011fil.<\/p>\nK\u00fcrt siyaseti, oda\u011f\u0131 da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc veriyor<\/strong><\/b><\/p>\n-\u201cHDP, her ne kadar s\u0131n\u0131flar-aras\u0131 ittifak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcne sahipse de partiyi modere eden kesim \u00e7o\u011funlukla orta s\u0131n\u0131f. H\u00e2l b\u00f6yle olunca orta s\u0131n\u0131f moderasyonunda bir parti, m\u00fczakereci meclis siyaseti takip ederek totaliter rejime nas\u0131l kar\u015f\u0131 koyabilecek?\u201d sorunuzu bug\u00fcn DEM Parti \u00fczerinden soral\u0131m\u2026\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/b><\/p>\nKar\u015f\u0131 koyamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 net olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fck. Orta s\u0131n\u0131f meselesinde Ranajit Guha\u2019n\u0131n Hindistan \u00f6zelinde s\u00f6ylediklerini K\u00fcrt siyasetine uyarlayarak cevab\u0131n\u0131z\u0131 vereyim isterseniz: K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ezilen kesimleri, tarihlerinin bizzat \u00f6znesi oldu\u011fu h\u00e2lde, partinin y\u00f6netsel s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinden d\u0131\u015flanarak konu\u015famaz h\u00e2le getirildi. Orta s\u0131n\u0131f, K\u00fcrtler ad\u0131na konu\u015fma yetkisine el koydu, epey zamand\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Oysa orta s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadele etmez, mugalata yapar. Kaybedecek \u015feyleri vard\u0131r, stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc riske atmaz. Bu sebeple orta s\u0131n\u0131fla ne anti kolonyal m\u00fccadele verilir ne de totaliter rejimlere kar\u015f\u0131 demokrasi m\u00fccadelesi verilebilir.<\/p>\n
Daha \u00f6nemlisi K\u00fcrt siyasetinin oda\u011f\u0131 da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc veriyor. En az\u0131ndan eskisi gibi K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn oda\u011f\u0131nda oldu\u011fu bir siyaset \u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fc yok.\u00a0 D\u00fcr\u00fcst olal\u0131m, ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 oda\u011f\u0131na alan bir s\u0131n\u0131f siyaseti de yok. Daha evvel s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftim, tekrar edeyim, Gurnah romanlar\u0131n\u0131n kurgusunu and\u0131r\u0131yor K\u00fcrt siyaseti. Elini masaya vuramayan, kimi sembolleri dekor olarak kullanan, Ankara\u2019daki plazalardan halk\u0131na bakan, K\u00fcrtl\u00fck yorgunu bir toplama siyaset bi\u00e7imi.\u00a0 Ba\u015fka bir ifadeyle odas\u0131na Mandela posterini ast\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00e2lde, beyaz bir \u0130ngiliz ile evlenmek u\u011fruna, m\u00fcstakbel kay\u0131npederinin g\u00f6z\u00fcne girmek i\u00e7in, kendisini \u201czencili\u011fi\u201d ile ilgili kaba esprileri yutmak zorunda hisseden bir karakter gibi davran\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
\u0130zninizle daha \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7elim; epey zamand\u0131r K\u00fcrt siyasetinin modere etti\u011fi politika sistemin lehine i\u015fliyor. \u015e\u00f6yle ki: \u0130cra edilen meclis siyaseti de yerel y\u00f6netim siyaseti de K\u00fcrtleri sistem\/d\u00fczen-i\u00e7ile\u015ftiren bir i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. Hay\u0131r sadece meclise girmek suretiyle anti K\u00fcrtl\u00fck zemininde in\u015fa edilen yeni rejimi me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmaktan bahsetmiyorum. Bu var elbet ama \u00f6tesi de var. Sistem i\u00e7i muhalefete ruh \u00fcfleyerek yap\u0131yor bunu, onu ayakta tutarak, onu alternatif h\u00e2le getirerek yap\u0131yor bunu. Topal Osman muhibini iki kez \u00fcst \u00fcstte se\u00e7tirerek, d\u00fczenli 30 A\u011fustos\u2019u kutlayan bir olu\u015fumu meclise ta\u015f\u0131yarak yapt\u0131, yap\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
Bu minvalde \u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr, 24 Nisan\u2019da \u015fahit oldu\u011fumuz \u00fczere, Ermeni soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131na, soyk\u0131r\u0131m diyememek gibi bir garabet de var. Nereden tutarsan\u0131z elinizde kalacak bir mesele.\u00a0 Ne denebilir ki: Sistem-i\u00e7ile\u015fmenin en net icabeti burada.<\/p>\n
DEM Parti s\u00fcrecini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn mertebe izlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131m. \u00d6zele\u015ftiri s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini takip ettim ilgiyle. B\u00fcy\u00fck oranda bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ler\u00a0\u201cEvet yanl\u0131\u015flar yap\u0131ld\u0131 ama bir sor neden yap\u0131ld\u0131.\u201d<\/em>\u00a0k\u0131vam\u0131ndan \u00f6teye ge\u00e7medi. Orta s\u0131n\u0131f siyaseti izleyenler, yereldeki \u00f6rg\u00fct temsilcilerine gidip g\u00fcnah \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131, hepsi bu kadard\u0131. \u0130\u015fin ger\u00e7e\u011fi e\u011fer ger\u00e7ek manada sine-i millet paradigmas\u0131na uygun olarak halka d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f stratejisi izlenseydi, yolun yeniden tayini ba\u011flam\u0131nda iyi i\u015fler yap\u0131labilirdi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla halka d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f de\u011fil, partinin yerel b\u00fcrokrasisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f yap\u0131ld\u0131. Araban\u0131n \u015fof\u00f6rleri de\u011fi\u015fti, tekerleklerine hava bas\u0131ld\u0131, \u00e7izik yerlerine boya s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc falan.<\/p>\nFakat yine de hakk\u0131n\u0131 yemeyelim, \u00f6n se\u00e7im, do\u011frudan demokrasi alametiydi. \u00a0\u0130yi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc, k\u00f6t\u00fc y\u00f6netildi.<\/p>\n
-2019 yerel se\u00e7imlerini de\u011ferlendirirken \u201c\u2026organik ideolojisi, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme sosyolojisi ve temsil\u00ee siyaset meselelerinde partinin giderek kronikle\u015fmeye ba\u015flayan bir dizi problemle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 tezi\u201dni ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fcn\u00fcz. Ya\u015fanan problemlerle ilgili bug\u00fcn gelinen noktay\u0131 nas\u0131l de\u011ferlendirirsiniz?<\/em><\/strong><\/b><\/p>\nBen \u00f6teden beri temel s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131n\u0131n daha derinlerde oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenlerdenim. 2010\u2019lu y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda, yani \u00e7ok erken bir tarihte,\u00a0Dipnot\u00a0<\/em>dergisinde gidi\u015fat\u0131n Gramsci\u2019ye at\u0131fla K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u201cpasif devrim\u201d teorisine do\u011fru bir gidi\u015f oldu\u011funu yazd\u0131m. Geli\u015fmeler ve aradan ge\u00e7en yakla\u015f\u0131k on be\u015f y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7 beni teyit etmi\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\nK\u00fcrt hareketi -pek kimse g\u00f6rmek istemese de- muazzam bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ya\u015fad\u0131, ideolojik makas de\u011fi\u015ftirdi, yeniden formatland\u0131. Kolonyalizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ideolojisini ask\u0131ya al\u0131p, postkolonyalizmin b\u00fct\u00fcn repertuar\u0131n\u0131 sahaya s\u00fcrd\u00fc. Oysa s\u0131n\u0131fsal olana lakayt, ulusal m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc \u00e7izgisini son kertede y\u00fck g\u00f6ren bir ideolojidir postkolonyalizm. B\u00fcy\u00fck oranda orta s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n m\u00fclk\u00fcd\u00fcr, hem s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hem de ulusal olan\u0131 sermayeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme konusunda azimlidir.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n hi\u00e7 de\u011filse bir stat\u00fcye kavu\u015fmadan, postkolonyal sulara a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131, demokratik ulusun d\u00fc\u011fmesine erken bas\u0131lmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 ve taleplerini, devletli halklar bah\u00e7esinde sahipsiz bir \u00e7i\u00e7ek h\u00fckm\u00fcne getirecekti. Getirdi de.<\/p>\n
Bu ideolojik t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir sebebi de K\u00fcrt siyasetinin \u00d6calan olmaks\u0131z\u0131n ideoloji \u00fcretmekten imtina etmesi. Onun mutlak izolasyonu b\u00fct\u00fcn bu manzaray\u0131 daha koyula\u015ft\u0131ran, ideolojik hatt\u0131 donukla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131p, \u00fcretkenli\u011fini bitiren bir vasata mahk\u00fbm etti. K\u00fcrt hareketi gibi son derece dinamik bir hareketin son sekiz y\u0131ld\u0131r yaln\u0131zca bir kavram \u00fcretmesi (\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc yol) akl\u0131n alabilece\u011fi bir \u015fey de\u011fil.<\/p>\n
Bu k\u0131s\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 son iki se\u00e7im boyunca yakinen hissetmi\u015f bulunduk. Mebuslar\u0131n ya da belediye ba\u015fkan adaylar\u0131n\u0131n ulusal m\u00fccadeleye dair peltek konu\u015fmas\u0131 epey dikkat \u00e7ekiciydi \u00f6rne\u011fin. Son se\u00e7imde mesela nas\u0131l bir yerel y\u00f6netim modeli icra edilece\u011fine dair ak\u0131lda kalan neredeyse tek c\u00fcmle sarf edilmemesi tuhaf de\u011fil mi? Se\u00e7im sonras\u0131ndaysa Van\u2019daki mazbata meselesindeki kararl\u0131 duru\u015f ve K\u00fcrt\u00e7eye vergi indirimini d\u0131\u015far\u0131da b\u0131rak\u0131rsak \u00e7o\u011fu ba\u015fkan\u0131n, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin herhangi ezilmi\u015f bir ta\u015fras\u0131nda se\u00e7ilmi\u015f gibi konu\u015fmas\u0131 sizin de dikkatinizi \u00e7ekmiyor mu? K\u00fcrt toplumunun do\u011frudan demokrasi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lamak yerine ta\u015fra kentlerinin m\u00fczmin sorunlar\u0131ndan bahsetmelerini nas\u0131l yorumlamal\u0131? \u0130\u015fin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc taraf\u0131 ne kentin iktisadi kaynaklar\u0131na g\u00f6z diken m\u00fcteahittizm meselesinden bahsediyorlar ne oy deposu i\u015flevini g\u00f6ren yoksul mahallelerinin dertleriyle hemhaller ne de kentlerin birer asimilasyon \u00fcss\u00fc, butik orta s\u0131n\u0131f \u015fehirler h\u00e2line getirilmesine kar\u015f\u0131 politikalar\u0131 var. \u015e\u00fcphe yok ki ba\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnde demoklesin k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131 gibi sallanan kayy\u0131m atama siyaseti var, bunun etkisini yads\u0131m\u0131yorum. Ancak tam da buralardan y\u00fcr\u00fcyerek kayy\u0131m siyaseti imk\u00e2ns\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131labilir san\u0131yorum.<\/p>\n
Belki erken bir yorum olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir ama se\u00e7im boyunca ba\u015fkan adaylar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6yledikleri \u015feyler ve politik vaatleri bir ta\u015fra esintisinden ibaret kal\u0131yordu. Do\u011frusunu isterseniz Re\u015fat Nuri G\u00fcntekin\u2019in\u00a0Anadolu Notlar\u0131<\/em>\u00a0kitab\u0131ndaki l\u00fcgatle sorunlara yakla\u015fmalar\u0131 gelecek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan cidden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc. Geldi\u011fimiz yer, ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z yer; yani pasif devrim hinterland\u0131.<\/p>\nOysa pasif devrim ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz de\u011fil. Hi\u00e7 de\u011fil.<\/p>\n
\u2018Efendilerden efendi be\u011fen siyaseti\u2019<\/strong><\/b><\/p>\n-DEM Parti\u2019nin Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imindeki gibi do\u011frudan bir a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 olmasa da gerek iktidar cenah\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan a\u00e7\u0131klamalar gerekse \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zel\u2019in vurgular\u0131 \u201cK\u00fcrdistan\u2019da kazan, Bat\u0131\u2019da iktidara kaybettir\u201d eksenli bir se\u00e7im stratejisi izlendi\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor sanki. Bu stratejinin kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 ve kay\u0131plar\u0131yla ilgili neler s\u00f6ylenebilir?<\/em><\/strong><\/b><\/p>\nBenim a\u00e7\u0131mdan bu siyaset netti, efendilerden efendi be\u011fen siyasetiydi. A\u00e7\u0131k konu\u015fal\u0131m, behemehal efendi \u015f\u0131kk\u0131na basma siyaseti K\u00fcrt siyasetinin b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fctopyalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ini bo\u015falt\u0131yor. Traverso\u2019nun harikulade tabiriyle s\u00f6ylersem, K\u00fcrt siyasetinin efendi alb\u00fcm\u00fcnden efendi be\u011fenme stratejisi\u00a0\u201c\u00fctopya tutulmas\u0131\u201d<\/em>na kap\u0131 aral\u0131yor.<\/p>\nKim ne derse desin, Postkolonyalizmin en b\u00fcy\u00fck y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 devrim fikrini ask\u0131ya almas\u0131 oldu. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki K\u00fcrt siyaseti epey zamand\u0131r devrim fikrini hatta kavram\u0131n\u0131 dahi unutmu\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.\u00a0 Devrim fikri olmaks\u0131z\u0131n bir e\u015fitlik talebi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc? Devrim \u00fctopyas\u0131 olmayan bir siyaset, bir b\u00fcrokrasi siyasetine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. B\u00fcrokrasinin varl\u0131k sebebi zaten efendiye itaat etmektir, efendi yoksa bile onu yaratmakt\u0131r biliyorsunuz.<\/p>\n
Bunu s\u0131n\u0131f perspektifine uygularsak belki daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r diye umuyorum. Proletaryan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fccadelesinin daha iyi bir patron bulmak \u00fczere y\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebiliyor musunuz? Kim bizi daha az ezecek, kim bize daha \u015fefkatli tokat atacak stratejisi ezilenlerin stratejisi olabilir mi?<\/p>\n
A\u00e7\u0131k konu\u015fay\u0131m efendilerden efendi be\u011fenme bir siyaset bi\u00e7imi de\u011fildir, bir itaat bi\u00e7imidir. Bundan behemehal s\u0131yr\u0131lmak icap eder. Postmodern roman\u0131n kurucular\u0131ndan Calvino dahi romanlar\u0131nda bir yerden sonra dayanamaz ve kahramanlar\u0131na\u00a0\u201cKahrolsun efendi\u201d<\/em>\u00a0slogan\u0131 att\u0131r\u0131r. K\u00fcrt siyaseti, e\u011fer postmodern roman kurgusunun dahi gerisine d\u00fc\u015fecekse gidip Monaco\u2019da \u0131stakoz yesek yeridir.<\/p>\nK\u00fcrt siyasetinin bir s\u0131n\u0131f politikas\u0131 yok<\/strong><\/b><\/p>\n-HDP s\u00fcreciyle ilgili \u201c\u2026 partiyi domine edenlerin veya karar s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin orta s\u0131n\u0131f ve onunla uzla\u015fma h\u00e2lindeki kimlik aristokrasisinin tekelinde oldu\u011fu\u201dnu belirtiyor ve \u201cS\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin, ezilen olgusunun merkez\u00ee unsur olmas\u0131 gerekirken bunun yerine s\u0131k\u00e7a ma\u011fduriyet ve ma\u011fduriyetin giderilmesi ba\u011flam\u0131nda\u00a0onar\u0131c\u0131 adalete\u00a0kurucu unsur olarak at\u0131f yap\u0131lmas\u0131 restorasyoncu akl\u0131n partiye egemen oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor.\u201d ele\u015ftiriniz vard\u0131. Son se\u00e7imler dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bu \u201ckarar s\u00fcre\u00e7leri\u201d ve \u201cegemen ak\u0131l\u201dla ilgili bir de\u011fi\u015fimden bahsetmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc?<\/em><\/strong><\/b><\/p>\nKulaklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131nlatal\u0131m, sevgili Delil Karako\u00e7an y\u0131llar \u00f6nce bir sohbetimizde\u00a0\u201cK\u00fcrtlere bir siyasi s\u0131n\u0131f laz\u0131m\u201d<\/em>\u00a0t\u00fcr\u00fc \u015feylerden bahsediyordu. Ger\u00e7i onun i\u015faret etti\u011fi ba\u015fka bir \u015feydi ama gelinen noktada art\u0131k K\u00fcrtlerin bir siyasi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 var ama s\u0131n\u0131f siyasetinin hilaf\u0131na olu\u015ftu bu siyasi s\u0131n\u0131f. 90\u2019larda siyasal kamuya g\u00f6zlerimizi a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz fig\u00fcrlerin h\u00e2l\u00e2 i\u015fba\u015f\u0131nda olmas\u0131 bir kader de\u011fil herh\u00e2lde.<\/p>\nBirbirimizi kand\u0131rmaya gerek yok, K\u00fcrt siyasetinin karar alma s\u00fcre\u00e7leri epey zamand\u0131r orta s\u0131n\u0131f temsilleri ve onunla uzla\u015fma h\u00e2lindeki kimlik aristokrasisinin mutabakat\u0131yla i\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. \u0130kisini de a\u00e7mam gerek izninizle.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt siyasetinin orta s\u0131n\u0131f karakteri hassaten aday belirleme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde, meclis siyasetlerinde ve aday profillerinde kendini d\u0131\u015fa vuruyor. \u0130lgin\u00e7 bir \u015fekilde K\u00fcrt orta s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, epey zamand\u0131r kelimenin ger\u00e7ek anlam\u0131yla iktisadi olarak ezilen K\u00fcrt kitlelerinin temsilini \u00fcstleniyor. Bu kadro sosyolojisinin i\u00e7inde siz bana yoksul bir k\u00f6yl\u00fc, yoksul mahallelerinde yevmiye usul\u00fc \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir i\u015f\u00e7i, g\u00fcndeli\u011fe gidip bo\u011faz toklu\u011funa \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir kad\u0131n emek\u00e7isini g\u00f6sterebilir misiniz? Bu ki\u015filerin K\u00fcrt siyasetinin b\u00fcrokrasisini yar\u0131p aday aday\u0131 olmas\u0131 bile \u00e7o\u011fu zaman imk\u00e2ns\u0131z. A\u00e7\u0131k konu\u015fal\u0131m, K\u00fcrt siyasetinin bir s\u0131n\u0131f politikas\u0131 yok \u015fu an itibar\u0131yla. S\u00f6z konusu s\u0131n\u0131f oldu\u011funda iyi niyetli, di\u011ferkaml\u0131k seviyesi y\u00fcksek, kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir aktivizmin i\u00e7inden konu\u015fuyor, hepsi bu. Antikolonyalizmin pop\u00fclizmine kap\u0131lmak istemem ama ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 olmayan, s\u0131radan, emek\u00e7i, yoksul bir K\u00fcrt b\u0131rakal\u0131m genel merkezde muhatap al\u0131nmay\u0131, acaba il\u00e7e kurumlar\u0131nda bile muhatap al\u0131n\u0131yor mu? \u00dczg\u00fcn\u00fcm ama Bakunin\u2019in son derece veciz betimlemesiyle K\u00fcrt siyasetinin organik habitusunda\u00a0\u201cproletarya \u00e7i\u00e7e\u011fine\u201d<\/em>\u00a0\u015fu an itibar\u0131yla yer yok.<\/p>\nBir tuhafl\u0131k daha: Se\u00e7im d\u00f6nemindeki adaylar\u0131n tan\u0131t\u0131m\u0131 \u00e7ok ilgin\u00e7 bir sosyolojik veri sunuyor \u00f6rne\u011fin. Adaylar son model iphone\u2019lar\u0131n kadraj\u0131ndan, ultra l\u00fcks jeeplerle, Passat ve Mercedeslerle korna \u00e7alarak, bayrak ve flamalarla donanm\u0131\u015f bir h\u00e2lde \u015fehir turu at\u0131yor. Bu orta s\u0131n\u0131f rit\u00fcelinin Han\u00e7epek\u2019te, Xa\u00e7ort\u2019ta ve di\u011fer yoksul meskenlerde nas\u0131l bir duyguya sebebiyet verdi\u011fine dair merak edenimiz var m\u0131? Mazlum Do\u011fan bu sahneyi g\u00f6rseydi ne d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrd\u00fc acaba?<\/p>\n
Keza yak\u0131n zaman \u00f6nce belediye se\u00e7imlerini ge\u00e7irdik. Siz belediye ba\u015fkanlar\u0131ndan \u015fehrin rant\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi gerekti\u011fine dair bir \u00e7ift laf duydunuz mu? Elini ovu\u015fturmu\u015f bekleyen Passat markal\u0131 m\u00fcteahhidizm i\u00e7in ne t\u00fcr siyaset \u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6rd\u00fck m\u00fc? Veya daha \u00fcst perdeden soral\u0131m: K\u00fcrt belediyecili\u011finin bir ekonomi politi\u011fi var m\u0131? Korkar\u0131m ki K\u00fcrt siyaseti, mahallenin yoksul evlerinden l\u00fcks otel odalar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131.\u00a0\u201cBir insan kul\u00fcbede ba\u015fka, sarayda ba\u015fka d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr.\u201d<\/em>\u00a0diyordu Feuerbach, yanl\u0131\u015f m\u0131?<\/p>\nPartinin organik evreninde dola\u015f\u0131ma giren paran\u0131n kimleri zengin etti\u011fi, K\u00fcrt belediyecili\u011finin imar rantlar\u0131ndan, ihale listelerinden, s\u0131n\u0131f politikalar\u0131ndan kimin zenginle\u015fti\u011fini sormayal\u0131m m\u0131? Bu s\u0131n\u0131f sosyolojisinin partinin karar s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde, kadro se\u00e7imlerinde ve politika tercihlerinde etkisi yok mu san\u0131yorsunuz? Ne \u00e7ok hakl\u0131yd\u0131 Nietzsche,\u00a0\u201cBug\u00fcn art\u0131k kimse \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl hakikatlerden \u00f6lm\u00fcyor, \u00e7ok fazla panzehir var.\u201d<\/em>\u00a0derken.<\/p>\nKimlik aristokrasisi tabirini de a\u00e7mak isterim izninizle. Liberal ba\u011flamda K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesini isteyen, K\u00fcrt sorunundan murad ettikleri ise dil \u00fczerindeki yasaklar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, K\u00fcrtlerin siyaset yapmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt\u00e7e yer adlar\u0131n\u0131n iadesi gibi soft talepler zinciri ile kendini ortaya koyan bir kesimden bahsediyorum. K\u00fcrt\u00e7e ile ili\u015fkileri yaln\u0131zca\u00a0rojba\u015f<\/em>\u00a0ve\u00a0\u015fevba\u015f<\/em>\u00a0ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olan, ege sahillerinde birden fazla yazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bulunan ve yedi yirmi d\u00f6rt \u201ctavuklar\u0131m\u0131z birbirine kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u201d edebiyat\u0131 yapan bir temsil bi\u00e7imi var. K\u00fcrtl\u00fckle tek anlaml\u0131 ilintisi kimli\u011findeki k\u00fct\u00fck bilgileri oldu\u011fu h\u00e2lde bu klik siyasetinin h\u00e2l\u00e2 K\u00fcrt siyasetini bir \u015fekilde domine etmeye g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yetmesi \u00e7ok ilgin\u00e7 bir durum.<\/p>\nSon iki se\u00e7imdeki aday belirleme tuhafl\u0131klar\u0131, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7teki i\u015f birlikleri ortada. \u00d6n se\u00e7imdeki garip tercihlerin, ayak oyunlar\u0131n\u0131n parmak izlerine bakarsan\u0131z manzaray\u0131 ayan beyan g\u00f6r\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u00fcz.<\/p>\n
Kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z bir iltihak tercihi<\/strong><\/b><\/p>\n-Her se\u00e7im sonras\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi bu se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinden de ba\u015far\u0131 ya da ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131klar esas olarak al\u0131nan oylar, kazan\u0131lan\/kaybedilen yerler \u00fczerinden de yap\u0131l\u0131yor.\u00a0 Oysa siz daha \u00f6nceki bir de\u011ferlendirmenizde \u201cK\u00fcrt siyasetinin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 oy oranlar\u0131na bak\u0131p matematik sosyolojisi yap[man\u0131n]\u201d do\u011fru olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtiyor, \u201c\u2026K\u00fcrt siyasetinde cebir kanunlar\u0131n\u0131n h\u00fckm\u00fc yok, burada siyaset sosyolojisinin kanunlar\u0131 ge\u00e7er.\u201d diyorsunuz. Bu se\u00e7im s\u00fcrecinin ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 tabloyu da g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurarak, K\u00fcrt siyasetinin yak\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015ften bug\u00fcne izledi\u011fi se\u00e7im stratejisine dair neler s\u00f6ylersiniz?<\/em><\/strong><\/b><\/p>\n\u015e\u00fcphe yok ki mesele cebir meselesi de\u011fil, ideolojik bir mesele. Bu manada se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n aritmeti\u011fine bak\u0131p cebir sosyolojisi yapman\u0131n hi\u00e7bir anlam\u0131 yok. Zaten ortada liberal demokrasiyi ge\u00e7tim, \u2018militan demokrasinin\u2019 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctlerine g\u00f6re dahi \u00f6zg\u00fcr bir se\u00e7im yok. Epeydir buyruk rejimi var; buyurulan var ve buyuran var. Sand\u0131k bu sebeple buyruk rejiminin me\u015fruiyetini sa\u011fl\u0131yor, halkla\u015fmas\u0131na yordam oluyor.<\/p>\n
Bu tip rejimlerde bir halk\u0131n davas\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctmek \u015f\u00fcphe yok ki zor bir i\u015f. Parlamenter rejim d\u00f6neminde K\u00fcrt siyaseti otonom kalabiliyordu ama yeni in\u015fa edilen rejimde sistem d\u0131\u015f\u0131 ya da otonom kalmak pek kolay de\u011fil. \u00d6calan buradan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f i\u00e7in \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc yol diye bir patika \u00f6nermi\u015fti ama g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm kadar\u0131yla K\u00fcrt siyasetinin karar al\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc yol konusunda ikna de\u011fil, en az\u0131ndan a\u011f\u0131rdan al\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n
Metropollerde, \u00f6zellikle son birka\u00e7 se\u00e7imdir, Kemalist bloka eklemlenme siyaseti veya iltihak siyaseti K\u00fcrt siyasetinin \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl bir tercihi olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bu bir yerde b\u00fcy\u00fck edebiyat\u00e7\u0131 oldu\u011fu h\u00e2lde, Fransa K\u00fclt\u00fcr Bakan\u0131 Malraux ile ili\u015fkisi ve belediye ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 icra etme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde teorisyenli\u011fine b\u00fcy\u00fck zarar veren Aime Cesaire girdab\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlat\u0131yor. Sonu\u00e7ta onun bu tercihi \u00f6ylesine g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7 bir h\u00e2l ald\u0131 ki, bir se\u00e7im d\u00f6neminde, se\u00e7menleri\u00a0\u201c\u00c7ok ya\u015fa de Gaulle, \u00e7ok ya\u015fa Cesaire\u201d<\/em>\u00a0\u015feklinde bir abs\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011fe dahi savruldu. Korkar\u0131m bu gidi\u015fle metropol K\u00fcrtlerinin self kolonyal e\u015fi\u011fi\u00a0\u201c\u00c7ok ya\u015fa Atat\u00fcrk, \u00e7ok ya\u015fa \u015eeyh Said\u201d<\/em>\u00a0\u015feklinde karikat\u00fcr bir h\u00e2l alacak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\nVelhas\u0131l K\u00fcrt siyaseti son birka\u00e7 se\u00e7imdir, K\u00fcrtlere \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, stat\u00fc ve e\u015fitlik yerine, merkez\u00ee siyasete daha \u00e7ok d\u00e2hil olmay\u0131, hatta kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z bir iltihak\u0131 savl\u0131yor. Ba\u015fka bir yaz\u0131mda s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftim, tekrar edeyim. K\u00fcrt siyaseti bug\u00fcn itibar\u0131yla hemen her \u015feyiyle bir Ankara partisi. Bunu tersine \u00e7evirmek, Ankara\u2019y\u0131 ta\u015frala\u015ft\u0131rmak gerekir, hatta elzem.<\/p>\n
\u2018Kemalizm K\u00fcrtlere g\u00fcl\u00fcmsemez\u2019<\/strong><\/b><\/p>\n-\u00c7ok akt\u00fcel bir tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n konusu oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a soral\u0131m: \u0130stanbul\u2019da DEM Parti\u2019nin aday g\u00f6stermesi ve al\u0131nan sonu\u00e7 da dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, siyaseten kazand\u0131rm\u0131\u015f m\u0131d\u0131r?<\/em><\/strong><\/b><\/p>\nKazand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kesin. Y\u00fczy\u0131l aradan sonra bir dejavu ya\u015fad\u0131k,\u00a0Kemalizm, K\u00fcrt siyasetinin inan\u0131lmaz sarkastik politikalar\u0131yla k\u00fcllerinden do\u011fdu<\/em><\/strong><\/b>. K\u00fcrtlerin y\u00fcz y\u0131l \u00f6nce Mustafa Kemal\u2019e kucak a\u00e7mas\u0131ndan sonra ikinci kez K\u00fcrt temsilciler Kemalizmi manc\u0131n\u0131kla T\u00fcrk siyasetinin \u00f6znesi h\u00e2line getirdi.<\/p>\nY\u00fcz y\u0131l \u00f6nce \u015fi\u015firilip abart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f Ermenistan korkusuyla Mustafa Kemal\u2019e y\u00f6nlendirilen K\u00fcrt kitleleri, y\u00fcz y\u0131l sonra bu sefer Ermenileri katleden yeni \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 hatt\u0131n geriletilmesi i\u00e7in ahfad\u0131na oy vermi\u015f oldular.<\/p>\n
Son yaz\u0131mda de\u011finmi\u015ftim, Kemalizm K\u00fcrtlere g\u00fcl\u00fcmsemez, g\u00fcl\u00fcmsemeyecektir. Ve korkar\u0131m metropol K\u00fcrtleri g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr gelecekte kendilerini yeniden kesecek b\u0131\u00e7a\u011f\u0131 bilediler.<\/p>\n
\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
F\u0131rat Ayd\u0131nkaya, k\u00fclt\u00fcr-sanat ve siyaset dergisi dilop\u2019a se\u00e7imler \u00fczerinden K\u00fcrt siyasetiyle ilgili de\u011ferlendirmelerde bulundu. K\u00fcrt yazar ve hukuk\u00e7u F\u0131rat Ayd\u0131nkaya, k\u00fclt\u00fcr-sanat ve siyaset dergisi\u00a0dilop\u2019a se\u00e7imler \u00fczerinden K\u00fcrt siyasetiyle ilgili\u00a0de\u011ferlendirmelerde\u00a0bulundu. K\u00fcrt yazar ve hukuk\u00e7u F\u0131rat Ayd\u0131nkaya Gazeteci B\u00fclet Ulus\u2019un sorular\u0131na verdi\u011fi yan\u0131tlar \u015f\u00f6yle: -31 Mart 2019 yerel se\u00e7imlerinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonucu bir \u201cFetret D\u00f6nemi\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirmi\u015f, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1029723,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[26],"tags":[31],"class_list":["post-1029722","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-forum","tag-onemli"],"blocksy_meta":[],"seo_head":"\n
F\u0131rat Ayd\u0131nkaya: Kemalizm, K\u00fcrt siyasetinin inan\u0131lmaz sarkastik politikalar\u0131yla k\u00fcllerinden do\u011fdu - Darka Mazi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/archives\/1029722\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"F\u0131rat Ayd\u0131nkaya: Kemalizm, K\u00fcrt siyasetinin inan\u0131lmaz sarkastik politikalar\u0131yla k\u00fcllerinden do\u011fdu - Darka Mazi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"F\u0131rat Ayd\u0131nkaya, k\u00fclt\u00fcr-sanat ve siyaset dergisi dilop\u2019a se\u00e7imler \u00fczerinden K\u00fcrt siyasetiyle ilgili de\u011ferlendirmelerde bulundu. 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