PKK\u2019nin sava\u015f tarihi \u00fczerine notlar<\/p>\n
PKK\u2019nin ilk silahl\u0131 gruplar\u0131 1982 de \u00fclkeye ge\u00e7meye ba\u015flar. Ancak bu ilk silahl\u0131 propaganda birimlerini bekleyen y\u0131\u011f\u0131nca sorunlar vard\u0131r. Bunlar\u0131 ana ba\u015fl\u0131klar temelinde inceleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrtleri kurtarmaya gelenler K\u00fcrt\u00e7e bilmiyordu<\/strong><\/p>\n Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce b\u00f6lgenin sosyal-politik, askeri ve co\u011frafik et\u00fcd\u00fc iyi yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bunun i\u00e7in de ilk gruplar sadece askeri \u00f6rg\u00fctsel sorunlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmad\u0131lar ayn\u0131 zamanda Botan-Za\u011fros b\u00f6lgesinin sosyo-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel dokusuyla da uyu\u015fmazl\u0131k ya\u015fad\u0131lar. PKK\u2019nin 1970-80lerdeki \u00f6rg\u00fctsel kadro profili ile silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen b\u00f6lgenin(Botan-Zagros) insan profili farkl\u0131yd\u0131. \u00a0\u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fcn kadro bile\u015fiminde de y\u00f6resel unsurlar yoktu. PKK silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadele karar\u0131 ile Hakk\u00e2ri ve \u015e\u0131rnak b\u00f6lgelerine ilgi duymaya ve a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m yapmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce bu ilk silahl\u0131 propaganda birimleri y\u00f6re halk\u0131n\u0131n dilini bilmiyorlard\u0131. K\u00fcrdistan da\u011flar\u0131 Apocular sayesinde ilk defe T\u00fcrk\u00e7e ile tan\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. K\u00fcrtleri kurtarmaya gelenlerin K\u00fcrt\u00e7e bilmemesi y\u00f6re insan\u0131nda ciddi ku\u015fkular yaratt\u0131. T\u00fcrk\u00e7e d\u00fc\u015fmanla \u00f6zde\u015f bir dil idi Hakk\u00e2ri de. Peki bu gelenler d\u00fc\u015fman m\u0131yd\u0131? De\u011filseler niye d\u00fc\u015fman dilini konu\u015fuyorlar. Tabii ki o zaman\u0131n Hakk\u00e2ri ve \u015e\u0131rnak\u2019\u0131n da \u201ckarde\u015f halklar\u201d kavram\u0131 duyulmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. T\u00fcrk-\u00e7e K\u00fcrd\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 olarak bilinir ve alg\u0131lan\u0131rd\u0131 -ki bu alg\u0131- ayr\u0131 ulus olman\u0131n aidiyet \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcyd\u00fc.<\/p>\n \u00a0Filozof Adorno \u201cAnadili insan\u0131n anavatan\u0131d\u0131r\u201d der. Ama PKK T\u00fcrk\u00e7e konu\u015farak anavatan\u0131 -yani K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 -Kurtaraca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. \u00a0Dil bir ulusun \u00fczerinde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 topra\u011f\u0131n kimli\u011fidir. Dilin neyse kimli\u011fin de o dur. PKK Hakk\u00e2ri\u2019ye geldi\u011fin de y\u00f6rede T\u00fcrk\u00e7e bilenlerin say\u0131s\u0131 bir elin parmak say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ge\u00e7mezdi. T\u00fcrk Devleti tarihi boyunca t\u00fcm asimilasyon ara\u00e7lar\u0131yla Hakk\u00e2ri\u2019ye T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi \u00f6\u011fretemedi. Ama PKK 40 y\u0131ll\u0131k \u201cK\u00fcrtl\u00fck\u201d m\u00fccadelesiyle Hakk\u00e2ri\u2019deki \u00e7obana bile T\u00fcrk\u00e7e \u00f6\u011fretmeyi ba\u015fard\u0131. K\u00fcrd\u00fc T\u00fcrkle\u015ftirme \u015ferefi PKK\u2019ye aittir T\u00fcrk devleti pkk ile ne kadar gurur duysa azd\u0131r. \u00d6calan sorgusunda \u015f\u00f6yle diyor: \u201c<\/em><\/strong>benim ya\u015fam\u0131n T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyledir Yani ordayken de(\u015eam) hi\u00e7bir dilden iki kelime iki c\u00fcmle \u00f6\u011frenmedim. Biraz K\u00fcrt\u00e7e biliyorum halk la biraz anla\u015fmak i\u00e7in ama her \u015feyimi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yap\u0131m\u0131, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fct \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmam\u0131 T\u00fcrk\u00e7e y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyorum T\u00fcrk d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hi\u00e7 hi\u00e7 kabul edemem. Hakk\u00e2ri\u2019de ki bir \u00e7obana bile \u0130stanbul T\u00fcrk\u00e7esi \u00f6\u011frettim, diyorum\u201d<\/em><\/strong> Bu tespitten de anla\u015f\u0131laca\u011fa \u00fczere PKK t\u00fcm \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 T\u00fcrk\u00e7e yap\u0131yordu. PKK i\u00e7erisin de T\u00fcrk\u00e7e konu\u015fma ba\u015fta basit bir talebe al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi g\u00f6z\u00fckse de zamanla bunun bir \u00e7e\u015fit misyonerlik faaliyeti oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n PKK ulusu de\u011fil s\u0131n\u0131f s\u00f6ylemlerini esas ald\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n PKK ilk \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in bu k\u0131rsal b\u00f6lgeleri tercih etmedi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc PKK ulusal de\u011fil s\u0131n\u0131fsal kategorile\u015ftirme ile \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme alanlar\u0131n\u0131 belirliyordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n oldu\u011fu kentlerde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye \u00f6ncelik verdi. Bu s\u0131n\u0131fsal bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 k\u0131rsal\u0131 \u201cdevrimin dinami\u011fi\u201d olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fcyordu. \u00d6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi co\u011frafyan\u0131n sosyoekonomik yap\u0131s\u0131 incelendi\u011finde PKK\u2019nin ilk ba\u015ftan itibaren ulusal de\u011fil de s\u0131n\u0131f bir hareket oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir. Bu ama\u00e7 ve s\u0131n\u0131f bak\u0131\u015f\u0131c\u0131s\u0131ndan olsa gerek Botan-Hakk\u00e2ri hatt\u0131nda halktan PKK\u2019ye hi\u00e7 kat\u0131l\u0131m olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n \u00a0Ancak 12 Eyl\u00fcl darbesiyle birlikte PKK ilk \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme alanlar\u0131n\u0131 yitirdi ve bu da k\u0131rsala \u00e7ekilme zorunlu\u011funu beraberinde getirdi. L\u00fcbnan kaplar\u0131ndaki e\u011fitim \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n da\u011fa ta\u015f\u0131nma s\u00fcreci PKK\u2019nin ideolojik \u00e7izgisini i\u00e7in ciddi tehlike arz ediyordu.\u00a0 \u00a0Hakk\u00e2ri-Botan sahas\u0131 ulusal kimli\u011fi, milli k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011ferleri ile \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn sol \u00e7izgisi \u00fczerinde egemen olabilirdi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u0131rsal halk\u0131 K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn t\u00fcm de\u011ferlerini en do\u011fal haliyle ya\u015f\u0131yordu. Sol kavram ve de\u011ferler bu bask\u0131n ulusal atmosferde ba\u015fkala\u015f\u0131ma u\u011frama riski ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Pratik sahan\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015f \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fim diyalekti\u011finin ana g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. Nitekim PKK\u2019de de \u00f6yle oldu ve \u00a0\u00fclke sahas\u0131 ve gerilla prati\u011fi PKK\u2019yi mutasyona u\u011fratt\u0131.<\/p>\n PKK\u2019nin parti ger\u00e7e\u011fi ile pratik sava\u015f sahas\u0131nda geli\u015fen askeri \u00e7izgi aras\u0131nda ayr\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fand\u0131.\u00a0 Bu mutasyon PKK\u2019nin ideolojik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel \u00e7izgisi \u00fczerinde de etkili oldu. PKK\u2019nin askeri \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc HRK-ARGK ulusal bir \u00e7izgiye kayarken Parti kendi sol \u00e7izgisinde kald\u0131. Yani PKK askeri yap\u0131s\u0131 K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ana damarlar\u0131na kayd\u0131k\u00e7a s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00f6zelliklerini yitirdi. \u00d6zelde Botan-Za\u011fros ve genelde \u00fclkeye a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131k\u00e7a ulusalla\u015fmaya ba\u015flar.<\/p>\n \u00d6calan Ulusal \u00e7izgiyi \u00e7etecilik olarak de\u011ferlendirdi<\/strong><\/p>\n PKK\u2019nin ulusal \u00e7izgiye kayma s\u00fcreci tamam\u0131yla 15 A\u011fustos hamlesiyle geli\u015fen gayri ihtiyari bir durumdu. \u00d6calan bu geli\u015fen ulusal \u00e7izgiyi \u201c\u00e7etecilik\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirerek kendi \u00f6nderlik \u00e7izgisi i\u00e7in en b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlike olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc. Bu \u00e7izgi ayr\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 yaz\u0131n\u0131n ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde anlat\u0131lacak. Silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015flat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in esas al\u0131nan b\u00f6lge sosyal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve co\u011frafik olarak G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r. Y\u00f6renin halk\u0131 G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019daki Ulusal m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7erisinde yer alarak siyasal bir kimli\u011fe sahipti.\u00a0 \u00c7ok i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7en a\u015firet ve akrabal\u0131k ili\u015fkileri s\u0131n\u0131rlar \u00fcst\u00fc bir etkiye sahipti. B\u00f6lgedeki mevcut a\u015firetlerin yar\u0131s\u0131 kuzeyde ve yar\u0131s\u0131 da g\u00fcneyde kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki a\u015firetler; Zarza, Gerdi, Herki, Doski, Oremari, Pinyani\u015fi, N\u00earweyi, R\u00eakani, Qe\u015furi, Jirki, Goyi, Boti ve Erto\u015f\u2019lerin di\u011fer kollar\u0131 her iki par\u00e7ada da egemen a\u015firetlerdir. Yine de en \u00e7ok bu b\u00f6lge insan\u0131 Lozan\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcndelik travmalar\u0131na maruz kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131rlar baz\u0131 k\u00f6ylerin mahallelerini bile bir, birinden ay\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015fgalci-S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci literat\u00fcre g\u00f6re k\u00f6y\u00fcn yar\u0131s\u0131 T\u00fcrk di\u011fer yar\u0131s\u0131 da Arap olmu\u015ftu. Lozan anla\u015fmas\u0131 ulusal, Fiziksel, psikolojik, sosyal ve ekonomik olarak en b\u00fcy\u00fck tahribat\u0131 bu b\u00f6lgede yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu ger\u00e7eklik s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n her iki yakas\u0131ndaki halk\u0131n gelece\u011fini ve kaderini ortakla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu sebeple de b\u00f6lge halk\u0131 PKK \u00f6ncesi zaten siyasal bir h\u00fcviyete sahipti.<\/p>\n PKK, Barzani miras\u0131na yaslanarak Botan ve Hakkari\u2019ye yay\u0131ld\u0131 <\/strong><\/p>\n Barzani hareketi bu co\u011frafyan\u0131n siyasal ve askeri \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fc. Y\u00f6re halk\u0131n\u0131n milli ulusal ve inan\u00e7 de\u011ferlerini temsil ediyordu. PKK b\u00f6lgenin sosyopolitik ger\u00e7ekli\u011finin fark\u0131ndayd\u0131. \u00d6yle elini kolunu sallay\u0131p gelip yerle\u015fece\u011fi bir alan olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hissediyordu. B\u00f6lgenin siyasal ve sosyal realitesine uygun davranmal\u0131yd\u0131. PKK\u2019nin teorik sol ezberleri F\u0131rat\u2019\u0131n k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131n da bir etkisi olabilir ama Xabur ve Zap\u2019\u0131n k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131ndaki bir kum tanesi kadar etkisizdi. Lakin 100 y\u0131ld\u0131r bu co\u011frafya halk\u0131yla, da\u011f\u0131yla-ta\u015f\u0131yla K\u00fcrdistan\u2019i m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7erisindeydi ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir mirasa sahipti. Yani siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00f6yle bakir topraklar de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n \u015eayet PKK bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi yok sayarak davranmaya kalk\u0131\u015fsayd\u0131 1978\u2019de ki YNK\u2019nin Hakk\u00e2ri a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 gibi bir sonla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 i\u015ften bile de\u011fildi. PKK b\u00f6lgenin bu ger\u00e7e\u011fin den hareketle PDK ile ili\u015fki geli\u015ftirmesi elzemdi. PDK ile ili\u015fkilenme iki sebepten dolay\u0131 zorunluydu. Birincisi b\u00f6lgedeki halk siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan PDK\u2019nin kitle taban\u0131yd\u0131 ve aktif m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7erisindeydiler. PKK\u2019nin bu kitleye yeni bir siyasal kimlik kazand\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ciddi tepkilere yol a\u00e7acak ve b\u00f6lgede tutunamayacakt\u0131. Bu bilin\u00e7le hareket eden PKK, PDK\u2019nin askeri ve siyasi otoritesine riayet ederek kendi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 ayn\u0131 zeminde y\u00fcr\u00fctmeyi esas ald\u0131.<\/p>\n \u00a0PKK\u2019nin PDK\u2019ye dayanmas\u0131n\u0131n ikinci nedeni ise \u015fuydu; PKK\u2019nin silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in yeterli askeri e\u011fitime sahip olmamas\u0131, da\u011f ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 yabanc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, partizan sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temel esaslar\u0131n\u0131 bilmemesi.<\/p>\n PKK, silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 15 A\u011fustos hamlesini PDK\u2019nin imkanlar\u0131na dayanarak yapt\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n PKK, PDK\u2019nin engin tecr\u00fcbelerine muhta\u00e7t\u0131. PDK\u2019nin o b\u00f6lgede sabit kararg\u00e2h, e\u011fitim ve \u00fcslenme sahalar\u0131 mevcuttu. Pe\u015fmerge g\u00fc\u00e7leri s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 her iki yakas\u0131nda mevzilenmi\u015f olup co\u011frafik hakimiyete sahipti. PKK bu haz\u0131r g\u00fcce dayanarak silahl\u0131 propaganda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc. Pe\u015fmerge kamplar\u0131nda konumland\u0131, onlar\u0131n mutfa\u011f\u0131ndan beslendi, onlar\u0131n askeri malzemelerini kulland\u0131 k\u0131sacas\u0131 gerillac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ilk abc sini PDK\u2019den \u00f6\u011frendi.<\/p>\n 15 A\u011fustos 1984 hamlesinin t\u00fcm haz\u0131rl\u0131k \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 da bu imk\u00e2nlar \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc. \u015eunu g\u00f6n\u00fcl rahatl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla s\u00f6yleyebiliriz; PKK 15 A\u011fustos at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 PDK\u2019nin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 imk\u00e2nlara bor\u00e7ludur. \u015eayet PDK kendi hakimiyet alanlar\u0131n\u0131 (Haftanin-Zap-Miros-Lolan) e\u011fitim ve \u00fcslenme kamplar\u0131n\u0131, maddi ve manevi olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 o d\u00f6nem bir elin parmak say\u0131s\u0131 kadar olan PKK kadrolar\u0131na sunmasayd\u0131 ne 15 A\u011fustos hamlesi olabilirdi ve ne de bug\u00fcn PKK gerillas\u0131 diye bir \u015fey den bahsedilebilirdi. 15 A\u011fustos bildirisini bile PDK\u2019nin bas\u0131n sorumlusu rahmetli Felekeddin Kake\u2019yi kendi daktilosu ile yaz\u0131p \u00e7o\u011faltm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. PKK\u2019nin silahl\u0131 propaganda birimleri o talebe al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131 ile bir y\u0131lda tasfiye olup biterlerdi. \u0130deolojik ezberlerle K\u00fcrdistan da\u011flar\u0131nda bir g\u00fcn bile ayakta kal\u0131namayaca\u011f\u0131 bu \u00f6nc\u00fc kadrolar \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden anlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131. PKK\u2019nin Botan-Za\u011fros k\u0131rsal\u0131nda tutunmas\u0131n da di\u011fer \u00f6nemli bir fakt\u00f6r PDK ile imzalanan \u201culusal cephe\u201d anla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n 1980\u2019de Mehmet Karasungur\u2019un ke\u015fif ama\u00e7l\u0131 olarak Do\u011fu K\u00fcrdistan\u2019a gitmesi ve ard\u0131ndan PDK ve PKK aras\u0131ndaki ulusal cephe anla\u015fmas\u0131, PKK\u2019nin K\u00fcrdistan da\u011flar\u0131na gelmesinde ve gerilla sava\u015f\u0131 vermesinde \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck avantajlar sa\u011flad\u0131. Bu s\u00fcrecin yak\u0131ndan incelenmesi tarihi a\u00e7\u0131dan olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemlidir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" PKK\u2019nin sava\u015f tarihi \u00fczerine notlar PKK\u2019nin ilk silahl\u0131 gruplar\u0131 1982 de \u00fclkeye ge\u00e7meye ba\u015flar. Ancak bu ilk silahl\u0131 propaganda birimlerini bekleyen y\u0131\u011f\u0131nca sorunlar vard\u0131r. Bunlar\u0131 ana ba\u015fl\u0131klar temelinde inceleyebiliriz. K\u00fcrtleri kurtarmaya gelenler K\u00fcrt\u00e7e bilmiyordu Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce b\u00f6lgenin sosyal-politik, askeri ve co\u011frafik et\u00fcd\u00fc iyi yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bunun i\u00e7in de ilk gruplar sadece askeri \u00f6rg\u00fctsel sorunlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmad\u0131lar […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1029955,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[39],"tags":[31],"class_list":["post-1029954","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ozel-dosya","tag-onemli"],"blocksy_meta":[],"seo_head":"\n