{"id":1038973,"date":"2026-08-01T16:54:37","date_gmt":"2026-08-01T13:54:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/?p=1038973"},"modified":"2026-08-01T16:54:37","modified_gmt":"2026-08-01T13:54:37","slug":"uluslararasi-sistemde-devletsiz-uluslar-guney-kurdistan-ikby-orneginde-siyasi-ve-hukuki-statu-celiskisi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/archives\/1038973","title":{"rendered":"ULUSLARARASI S\u0130STEMDE DEVLETS\u0130Z ULUSLAR:\u00a0 G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan (IKBY) \u00d6rne\u011finde Siyasi ve Hukuki Stat\u00fc \u00c7eli\u015fkisi"},"content":{"rendered":"

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I. \u00d6ZET<\/p>\n

Modern uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler ve devletler hukuku sistemi, Westphalia d\u00fczeninin devlet merkezli yap\u0131s\u0131 ile Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler (BM) \u015eart\u0131\u2019n\u0131n vaat etti\u011fi “halklar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin etme” (self-determination) ilkesi aras\u0131ndaki kronik bir uyu\u015fmazl\u0131k \u00fczerine kuruludur. Bu yap\u0131sal \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi en derinden deneyimleyen topluluklar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda gelen K\u00fcrtler, G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da (Irak K\u00fcrt B\u00f6lgesel Y\u00f6netimi – IKBY) de facto (fiili) bir devletle\u015fme s\u00fcreci y\u00fcr\u00fctm\u00fc\u015flerdir. Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma; G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n 1991\u2019de ilan edilen g\u00fcvenli b\u00f6lge d\u00f6neminden 2005 Irak Anayasas\u0131 ile tescillenen hukuki federalizme ge\u00e7i\u015fini incelemektedir. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmada, Erbil\u2019in y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc asimetrik diplomasi ve enerji politikalar\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131, 2017<\/p>\n

Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu, Irak Federal Y\u00fcksek Mahkemesi’nin m\u00fcdahaleleri ve 2023 Paris Tahkim Karar\u0131 (ICC) \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ele al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r. Sonu\u00e7 olarak, G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n k\u00fcresel sistemdeki stat\u00fcs\u00fc, “devlet benzeri ama devlet olmayan” (state-like but non-state) bir melez yap\u0131 olarak analiz edilmektedir.<\/p>\n

II. G\u0130R\u0130\u015e: WESTPHAL\u0130A D\u00dcZEN\u0130, S\u00d6M\u00dcRGEC\u0130L\u0130K KAR\u015eITI KURAM VE DEVLETS\u0130Z ULUSLAR SORUNU<\/p>\n

Modern devletler hukuku, <\/strong>1648 Westphalia Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131’ndan bu yana egemenli\u011fi belirli bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131rlarla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Bu sistemde, egemen ulus-devletler sistemin kurucusu ve yegane me\u015fru akt\u00f6r\u00fcd\u00fcr. S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n cetvelle \u00e7izildi\u011fi Ortado\u011fu\u2019da ise 1639 Kasr-\u0131 \u015eirin Antla\u015fmas\u0131 ile ba\u015flayan, 1. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 Sykes-Picot ve Lozan antla\u015fmalar\u0131yla tamamlanan s\u00fcre\u00e7, K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6rt egemen devlet aras\u0131nda par\u00e7alayarak K\u00fcrtleri modern d\u00fcnyan\u0131n “en b\u00fcy\u00fck devletsiz ulusu” haline getirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

\u0130smail Be\u015fik\u00e7i\u2019nin “Uluslararas\u0131 S\u00f6m\u00fcrge” Kavram\u0131: <\/strong>Be\u015fik\u00e7i, K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n durumunun klasik s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerden farkl\u0131 oldu\u011funu belirtir. Klasik s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerde tek bir metropol g\u00fc\u00e7 varken, K\u00fcrdistan co\u011frafyas\u0131 birden fazla devlet taraf\u0131ndan payla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve bu b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fck uluslararas\u0131 sistemin r\u0131zas\u0131yla (stat\u00fcko) korunmu\u015ftur. Bu nedenle K\u00fcrt sorunu, devletler aras\u0131 bir konsens\u00fcs ile g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131l\u0131nmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sosyolojik ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 kuramlar bu yap\u0131y\u0131 de\u015fifre eder.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Frantz Fanon\u2019un “Yasal G\u00f6r\u00fcnmezlik” Kuram\u0131: <\/strong>Fanon, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci sistemlerin ezilen halklar\u0131 sistemsel bir sessizli\u011fe ve g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezli\u011fe mahkum etti\u011fini savunur. Devletsiz uluslar, uluslararas\u0131 kurumlarda do\u011frudan temsil edilemedikleri i\u00e7in k\u00fcresel hukuk \u00f6znesi olamazlar ve sesleri ancak egemen devletlerin s\u00fczgecinden ge\u00e7erek sisteme ula\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00a0 Realist Kuram ve G\u00fc\u00e7 Politikas\u0131: <\/strong>Realizme g\u00f6re anar\u015fik uluslararas\u0131 sistemde ahlak ve normlar de\u011fil, askeri ve ekonomik g\u00fc\u00e7 belirleyicidir. Devletsiz halklar, egemen devletlerin jeopolitik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ve ittifak dengeleri aras\u0131nda s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131p kalan ge\u00e7ici “manivela” veya “g\u00fcvenlik aparatlar\u0131” olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcrler.<\/p>\n

III. TAR\u0130HSEL ZEM\u0130N: DE FACTO BA\u011eIMSIZLIKTAN DE JURE FEDERAL\u0130ZME<\/p>\n

G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc hukuki konumu, adeta t\u0131rnaklarla kaz\u0131nm\u0131\u015f iki tarihsel k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr:<\/p>\n

1. 1991 K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131 ve G\u00fcvenli B\u00f6lge (De Facto D\u00f6nem)<\/p>\n

Saddam H\u00fcseyin rejiminin Kuveyt’i i\u015fgali sonras\u0131 geli\u015fen s\u00fcre\u00e7te, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na y\u00f6nelik katliam ve g\u00f6\u00e7 dalgas\u0131n\u0131 durdurmak amac\u0131yla BM G\u00fcvenlik Konseyi 688 say\u0131l\u0131 karar\u0131 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00a0Bu karar do\u011frultusunda ABD, \u0130ngiltere ve Fransa \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde 36. paralelin kuzeyinde ilan edilen “u\u00e7u\u015fa yasak b\u00f6lge” (Huzur Operasyonu), Ba\u011fdat\u2019\u0131n askeri ve idari otoritesini b\u00f6lgeden \u00e7ekmek zorunda b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00a0Olu\u015fan bu g\u00fc\u00e7 bo\u015flu\u011funda K\u00fcrtler, 1992 y\u0131l\u0131nda ilk serbest se\u00e7imlerini yaparak kendi parlamentolar\u0131n\u0131 ve h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerini kurmu\u015flard\u0131r. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, uluslararas\u0131 hukukun m\u00fcdahalesiyle korunan ve 13 y\u0131l boyunca kendi kendini y\u00f6neten fiili (de facto) bir devlet modelini do\u011furmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

2. 2005 Irak Anayasas\u0131 (De Jure D\u00f6nem)<\/p>\n

2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda ABD’nin Irak’\u0131 i\u015fgali ve Baas rejiminin devrilmesi, K\u00fcrtlerin fiili kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 anayasal g\u00fcvenceye kavu\u015fturma f\u0131rsat\u0131 sunmu\u015ftur. 2005 y\u0131l\u0131nda kabul edilen Irak Anayasas\u0131, \u00fclkeyi federal bir devlet olarak tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015f ve IKBY\u2019yi kurucu federe birim olarak tescil etmi\u015ftir. Bu a\u015fama, fiili durumun uluslararas\u0131 ve ulusal d\u00fczeyde hukuki (de jure) bir stat\u00fcye kavu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

IV. ANAYASAL S\u00dcRE\u00c7: AS\u0130METR\u0130K FEDERAL\u0130ZM VE YETK\u0130 PAYLA\u015eIMI \u00c7EL\u0130\u015eK\u0130S\u0130<\/p>\n

2005 Irak Anayasas\u0131, d\u00fcnyadaki en asimetrik federal anayasalardan biridir. Ancak bu asimetri, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u00fcrekli bir anayasal kriz kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

A. Egemenlik \u00d6nceli\u011fi ve Normlar Hiyerar\u015fisi (Madde 115 ve 121)<\/strong><\/p>\n

Anayasan\u0131n 115. maddesi, federal h\u00fck\u00fcmete a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a verilmeyen t\u00fcm yetkileri federe b\u00f6lgelere b\u0131rak\u0131r. Daha da \u00f6nemlisi, ortak yetki alanlar\u0131nda federal yasalar ile b\u00f6lgesel yasalar \u00e7eli\u015firse, b\u00f6lgesel yasalara \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (Madde 121). Bu durum, Erbil\u2019e Ba\u011fdat\u2019\u0131n dayatmalar\u0131n\u0131 anayasal yollarla bloke etme g\u00fcc\u00fc vermektedir.<\/p>\n

B. G\u00fcvenlik Tekeli ve Pe\u015fmerge\u2019nin Stat\u00fcs\u00fc (Madde 121\/5)<\/strong><\/p>\n

Max Weber’e g\u00f6re devlet, belirli bir s\u0131n\u0131r i\u00e7inde me\u015fru fiziksel \u015fiddet kullanma tekeline sahip organizasyondur. Irak Anayasas\u0131 bu tekeli b\u00f6lm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr:<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. maddenin 5. f\u0131kras\u0131, IKBY\u2019ye “b\u00f6lge muhaf\u0131zlar\u0131” (Pe\u015fmerge) ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda kendi ordusunu ve g\u00fcvenlik g\u00fc\u00e7lerini kurma hakk\u0131 tan\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    \u00a0Bu anayasal z\u0131rh sayesinde Pe\u015fmerge, Ba\u011fdat\u2019taki Savunma Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir komuta zincirine sahip askeri bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir.<\/p>\n

    C. Do\u011fal Kaynaklar ve Ekonomik Egemenlik Krizi (Madde 111-112)<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Bu alan, anayasan\u0131n en k\u0131r\u0131lgan sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. 111. madde petrol\u00fc “ortak mal” sayarken, 112. madde “mevcut kuyular\u0131n” y\u00f6netimini ortakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u00a0Hukuki Yorum \u00c7eli\u015fkisi:<\/strong> Erbil, 2005 sonras\u0131ndaki yeni kuyular\u0131 kendi yetkisinde g\u00f6r\u00fcp 2007’de kendi Petrol ve Gaz Kanunu’nu \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z sat\u0131\u015flar yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ba\u011fdat ise d\u0131\u015f ticareti kendi tekeli saym\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u00a0Yarg\u0131sal M\u00fcdahale (\u015eubat 2022 Karar\u0131): I<\/strong>rak Federal Y\u00fcksek Mahkemesi, anayasan\u0131n ruhunu g\u00f6z ard\u0131 ederek Erbil’in enerji yasas\u0131n\u0131 anayasaya ayk\u0131r\u0131 ilan etmi\u015f ve t\u00fcm petrol y\u00f6netimini Ba\u011fdat’a devretme karar\u0131 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u00a0Paris Tahkim Karar\u0131 (Mart 2023): <\/strong>Paris merkezli Milletleraras\u0131 Ticaret Odas\u0131 (ICC), T\u00fcrkiye ile Irak aras\u0131ndaki 1973 boru hatt\u0131 anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 gerek\u00e7e g\u00f6stererek, IKBY’nin do\u011frudan yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 petrol ihracat\u0131n\u0131 durdurmu\u015ftur. Bu karar, devletsiz bir akt\u00f6r\u00fcn k\u00fcresel ticaret sistemindeki zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve egemen bir devlet olmadan ekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcremeyece\u011fini kan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    D. Co\u011frafi Egemenlik S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 ve “Tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 B\u00f6lgeler” \u00c7\u0131kmaz\u0131: Madde 140<\/p>\n

    Klasik devlet teorisinde egemenlik; <\/strong>yaln\u0131zca yasama, y\u00fcr\u00fctme ve me\u015fru \u015fiddet tekeliyle de\u011fil, bu yetkilerin kullan\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 belirli bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131yla (territoriality) anlam kazan\u0131r.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n anayasal stat\u00fcs\u00fcndeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck yap\u0131sal bo\u015fluk ve k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131k, federe b\u00f6lgenin g\u00fcney s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n hukuken ve fiilen belirsiz b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu belirsizli\u011fin oda\u011f\u0131nda, Irak<\/p>\n

    Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n en \u00e7ok tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan ve bilin\u00e7li olarak kad\u00fck, i\u015flevsiz b\u0131rak\u0131lan 140. Maddesi yer almaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    1. Madde 140\u2019\u0131n Hukuki K\u00f6keni ve Yol Harita<\/p>\n

    Madde 140 \u00e7\u0131kmaz\u0131; <\/strong>anayasal hakk\u0131n, askeri g\u00fc\u00e7 ve jeopolitik \u00e7\u0131karlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda nas\u0131l i\u015flevsizle\u015ftirildi\u011finin en somut kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. Bu madde, G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n hukuken<\/p>\n

    “tamamlanmam\u0131\u015f” bir federe yap\u0131 olarak kalmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an en b\u00fcy\u00fck anayasal prangad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Saddam rejimi d\u00f6neminde y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen sistemli “Arapla\u015ft\u0131rma” (Ta’rib) politikalar\u0131yla Kerk\u00fck, \u015eengal, Hanekin ve Mahmur gibi K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusun yo\u011fun oldu\u011fu b\u00f6lgelerin demografik yap\u0131s\u0131 zorla de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Baas rejiminin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, bu tarihsel adaletsizli\u011fi gidermek ve bu b\u00f6lgelerin idari stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc belirlemek amac\u0131yla 2005 Anayasas\u0131\u2019na 140. madde eklenmi\u015ftir. Ge\u00e7ici Y\u00f6netim Yasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n 58. maddesinden miras al\u0131nan bu h\u00fck\u00fcm, \u00fc\u00e7 a\u015famal\u0131 net bir yol haritas\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rmekteydi:<\/p>\n

      \n
    1. Normalle\u015fme (Normalization):<\/strong> Zorla g\u00f6\u00e7 ettirilen K\u00fcrtlerin topraklar\u0131na geri d\u00f6nmesi, b\u00f6lgeye yerle\u015ftirilen Arap n\u00fcfusun kendi memleketlerine iadesi ve m\u00fclkiyet haklar\u0131n\u0131n iade edilmesi.<\/li>\n
    2. N\u00fcfus Say\u0131m\u0131 (Census): <\/strong>Normalle\u015fmenin ard\u0131ndan b\u00f6lgelerin g\u00fcncel ve adil demografik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyacak resmi bir n\u00fcfus say\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131.<\/li>\n
    3. Referandum <\/strong>: En ge\u00e7 31 Aral\u0131k 2007 tarihine kadar Kerk\u00fck ve di\u011fer tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde halk oylamas\u0131 yap\u0131lmas\u0131; halka IKBY\u2019ye mi ba\u011flanmak istedikleri yoksa Ba\u011fdat\u2019a m\u0131 ba\u011fl\u0131 kalmak istediklerinin sorulmas\u0131.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

      2. TAR\u0130HSEL GEC\u0130KT\u0130RME VE \u201cZAMAN A\u015eIMI MAN\u0130P\u00dcLASYONU<\/p>\n

      Anayasal h\u00fckme g\u00f6re 2007 sonuna kadar tamamlanmas\u0131 gereken bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, Ba\u011fdat\u2019taki merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin ve b\u00f6lgesel stat\u00fckocu g\u00fc\u00e7lerin direnciyle sistematik olarak sabote edilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

      \u00a0Ba\u011fdat\u2019\u0131n Hukuki Tezi: <\/strong>Ba\u011fdat y\u00f6netimi, 31 Aral\u0131k 2007 tarihinin ge\u00e7mesiyle birlikte Madde 140\u2019\u0131n hukuken “zaman a\u015f\u0131m\u0131na” u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini yitirdi\u011fini iddia etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

      \u00a0Erbil\u2019in Hukuki Tezi: I<\/strong>KBY ise anayasal bir h\u00fckm\u00fcn, hedeflenen s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde uygulanmamas\u0131 durumunda kendili\u011finden ortadan kalkmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131; anayasan\u0131n bir b\u00fct\u00fcn oldu\u011funu ve bu\u00a0 madde uygulanana kadar anayasal bir y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fck olarak kalmaya devam edece\u011fini savunmu\u015ftur. Nitekim Irak Federal Y\u00fcksek Mahkemesi de daha sonraki y\u0131llarda maddenin halen y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte oldu\u011funu teyit etmek zorunda kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ancak fiili bir ad\u0131m atmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

        \n
      1. JEOPOL\u0130T\u0130K VE EKONOM\u0130K SAVA\u015eIN MERKEZ\u0130: KERK\u00dcK. <\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

        Madde 140\u2019\u0131n uygulanamamas\u0131n\u0131n arkas\u0131ndaki as\u0131l neden, soyut bir s\u0131n\u0131r tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 de\u011fil, somut bir jeopolitik ve ekonomik g\u00fc\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrt ulusal m\u00fccadelesinin tarihsel haf\u0131zas\u0131nda \u00e7ok \u00f6zel bir yere sahip olan ve zengin petrol rezervlerini bar\u0131nd\u0131ran Kerk\u00fck, bu m\u00fccadelenin merkez \u00fcss\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

        \u00a0Kerk\u00fck\u2019\u00fcn IKBY s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na dahil edilmesi, K\u00fcrt y\u00f6netiminin ekonomik olarak Ba\u011fdat\u2019a hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde ihtiya\u00e7 duymayacak tam bir “kendi kendine yetebilirlik” seviyesine ula\u015fmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelecekti.<\/p>\n

        \u00a0Bu durum, Ba\u011fdat ve b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7ler (T\u00fcrkiye ve \u0130ran) taraf\u0131ndan “ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n ekonomik motoru” olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in, Madde 140\u2019\u0131n hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi her ne pahas\u0131na olursa olsun engellenmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

          \n
        1. REFERANDUM SONRASI KIRILMA: <\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

          16 Ekim 2017 ve Fiili S\u0131n\u0131r Kayb\u0131<\/p>\n

          Anayasal yollar\u0131n t\u0131kanmas\u0131 \u00fczerine K\u00fcrt y\u00f6netimi, 2014-2017 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda I\u015e\u0130D ile m\u00fccadele s\u0131ras\u0131nda Pe\u015fmerge\u2019nin kontrol alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgeleri de kapsayacak \u015fekilde 2017 Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu\u2019nu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Ancak referandum sonras\u0131 ya\u015fanan askeri hareketlilikle (16 Ekim 2017 olaylar\u0131), Ba\u011fdat y\u00f6netimi ve \u015eii milis g\u00fc\u00e7ler, T\u00fcrkiye ve \u0130ran’\u0131n deste\u011fiyle askeri g\u00fc\u00e7 kullanarak,Kerk\u00fck ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerin neredeyse tamam\u0131n\u0131 yeniden kontrol alt\u0131na alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Hukuki ve Siyasi \u00c7\u0131kar\u0131m: <\/strong>Bu askeri m\u00fcdahale, uluslararas\u0131 sistemde devletsiz bir akt\u00f6r\u00fcn kendi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 anayasal uzla\u015f\u0131yla belirleyemedi\u011finde, g\u00fcce dayal\u0131 realpolitik m\u00fcdahaleler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131r g\u00fcvenli\u011fini koruyamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

          Madde 140, ka\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerinde duran bir anayasa maddesiyken, sahada askeri g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerinin belirledi\u011fi ve i\u00e7erde baz\u0131 hareketlerin olumsuz tav\u0131rlar\u0131yla savunma hatt\u0131nda ya\u015fanan k\u0131r\u0131lmalar ABD ve Bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin sessiz onay\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rlar korunamam\u0131\u015f\u00a0 ve toprak kayb\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

          V. D\u0130PLOMAT\u0130K \u0130L\u0130\u015eK\u0130LER: DEVLET OLMAYAN AKT\u00d6R\u00dcN AS\u0130METR\u0130K DI\u015e POL\u0130T\u0130KASI<\/p>\n

          IKBY, devlet stat\u00fcs\u00fcnde olmamas\u0131na ra\u011fmen uluslararas\u0131 arenada son derece geli\u015fmi\u015f bir federal y\u00f6netim d\u0131\u015f ili\u015fkileri a\u011f\u0131 kurmu\u015ftur<\/p>\n

          A. K\u00fcresel G\u00fc\u00e7lerle Do\u011frudan \u0130li\u015fkiler ve De Facto Tan\u0131nma<\/p>\n

          Erbil’de bug\u00fcn ABD, \u0130ngiltere, Fransa, Rusya ve \u00c7in d\u00e2hil olmak \u00fczere 30’un \u00fczerinde \u00fclkenin ba\u015fkonsoloslu\u011fu bulunmaktad\u0131r. IKBY D\u0131\u015f \u0130li\u015fkiler Departman\u0131 (DFR) fiili bir d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak Washington, Londra, Paris ve Br\u00fcksel gibi merkezlerde resmi temsilcilikler a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durum, egemen devletlerin IKBY’yi “uluslararas\u0131 sistemde z\u0131mnen (de facto) muhatap kabul etti\u011finin” en net g\u00f6stergesidir.<\/p>\n

          B. B\u00f6lgesel G\u00fc\u00e7lerle Pragmatik Siyaset (T\u00fcrkiye ve \u0130ran)<\/p>\n

          Denize k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131 olmayan G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan, co\u011frafyan\u0131n getirdi\u011fi jeopolitik mengeneden \u00e7\u0131kmak i\u00e7in kom\u015fular\u0131yla pragmatik ili\u015fkiler geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir:<\/p>\n

          \u00a0T\u00fcrkiye \u0130li\u015fkileri:<\/strong> Siyasi \u00e7eli\u015fkilere ra\u011fmen Erbil, Ankara ile 50 y\u0131ll\u0131k bir enerji anla\u015fmas\u0131 imzalayarak petrol\u00fcn\u00fc d\u00fcnyaya ula\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ticari entegrasyon kurmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0\u0130ran \u0130li\u015fkileri: <\/strong>Co\u011frafi s\u0131n\u0131rda\u015fl\u0131k nedeniyle Erbil, Tahran ile hassas bir denge g\u00fctmektedir. Ancak \u0130ran’\u0131n egemenlik s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 hi\u00e7e sayarak zaman zaman Erbil’deki sivil ve askeri hedefleri do\u011frudan f\u00fczelerle vurmas\u0131, devletsiz bir yap\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fcvenlik \u015femsiyesinden yoksun olu\u015funun ac\u0131 bir faturas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

          C. “Ter\u00f6rle M\u00fccadele” Me\u015fruiyeti ve K\u00fcresel \u0130ttifak<\/p>\n

          2014 I\u015e\u0130D sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda Pe\u015fmerge g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin sahada g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi diren\u00e7, k\u00fcresel koalisyonun do\u011frudan askeri orta\u011f\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. ABD ve m\u00fcttefikleri, Ba\u011fdat’\u0131 arac\u0131 k\u0131lmadan do\u011frudan Erbil’e silah, m\u00fchimmat, e\u011fitim ve maa\u015f deste\u011fi sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durum, devletsiz bir akt\u00f6r\u00fcn uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fcvenlik mimarisine do\u011frudan entegre olabilece\u011finin me\u015fru kan\u0131t\u0131 olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

          VI. 2017 BA\u011eIMSIZLIK REFERANDUMU VE REALPOL\u0130T\u0130K SINIRLAR<\/p>\n

          25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017\u2019de ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu, devletsiz uluslar\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 sistemdeki s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 test eden\u00a0 en dramatik tarihsel tecr\u00fcbedir.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Halk\u0131n \u0130radesi ve Stat\u00fcko: <\/strong>K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n %92.7 oran\u0131ndaki ezici “Evet” oyuna ra\u011fmen, ba\u015fta ABD olmak \u00fczere bat\u0131l\u0131 m\u00fcttefikler ve b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7ler referandumu tan\u0131mam\u0131\u015f, s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 kapatm\u0131\u015f ve u\u00e7u\u015f yasaklar\u0131 koymu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Uluslararas\u0131 Hukuk \u00c7eli\u015fkisi: <\/strong>Uluslararas\u0131 hukuk, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde<\/p>\n

          (dekolonizasyon) s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fmesini ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 te\u015fvik ederken, halihaz\u0131rda tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f devletlerin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7indeki halklar\u0131n (remedial secession – telafi edici ayr\u0131lma ko\u015fullar\u0131 olu\u015fmad\u0131k\u00e7a) ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ilanlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 muhafazakar ve engelleyici bir tutum sergilemektedir. Referandum s\u00fcreci, realist kuram\u0131n “g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesi ve devlet \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131, demokratik iradeden \u00fcst\u00fcnd\u00fcr” tezini ac\u0131 bir \u015fekilde do\u011frulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

          VII. Resmi Savunma Stratejisi ile Paralel Diplomasinin \u00c7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131: 16 Ekim Askeri K\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131<\/p>\n

          16 Ekim 2017\u2019de Kerk\u00fck ve tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde ya\u015fanan ani k\u0131r\u0131lma, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde bir devletle\u015fme modelinin i\u00e7eriden ve d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan nas\u0131l s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steren en somut askeri-siyasi vakalardan biridir. Bu k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n anatomisi, kriz \u00f6ncesinde al\u0131nan resmi kararlar ile sahada uygulanan paralel stratejiler aras\u0131ndaki radikal \u00e7eli\u015fkide gizlidir.<\/p>\n

          A. Resmi Konsens\u00fcs: Ortak Savunma Karar\u0131 ve Cephe Tahkimat\u0131<\/p>\n

          Referandumun hemen ard\u0131ndan Ba\u011fdat, Ankara ve Tahran\u2019dan gelen askeri tehditlerin t\u0131rmanmas\u0131 \u00fczerine; IKBY Ba\u015fkan\u0131 say\u0131n Mesut Barzani, Talabani ailesinin \u00f6nde gelen temsilcileri, YNK ve KDP nin en \u00fcst d\u00fczey askeri komutanlar\u0131 bir araya gelerek kapsaml\u0131 bir durum de\u011ferlendirmesi yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Bu resmi \u00fcst d\u00fczey toplant\u0131da tam bir konsens\u00fcs sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015f ve “Kerk\u00fck ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerin s\u0131n\u0131r hatlar\u0131nda gerekli askeri tahkimat\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131, savunma mevzilerinin geli\u015ftirilmesi ve federal ordu ile milis g\u00fc\u00e7lerinden gelecek her t\u00fcrl\u00fc sald\u0131r\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 ortak bir askeri diren\u00e7 g\u00f6sterilmesi” y\u00f6n\u00fcnde kesin bir karar al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Bu karar, K\u00fcrt siyasi ve askeri akl\u0131n\u0131n ka\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerindeki ortak savunma doktriniydi.<\/p>\n

          B. Paralel Diplomasi ve Askeri Hatlar\u0131n \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi<\/h1>\n

          Ancak bu resmi karar\u0131n hemen ard\u0131ndan, YNK i\u00e7erisindeki belirli odaklar ile b\u00f6lgesel istihbarat akt\u00f6rleri (\u00f6zellikle \u0130ran Devrim Muhaf\u0131zlar\u0131 Kud\u00fcs G\u00fcc\u00fc Komutan\u0131 Kas\u0131m S\u00fcleymani) ve Ha\u015fdi \u015eabi liderleri aras\u0131nda paralel bir m\u00fczakere trafi\u011fi y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Bu paralel g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler, Erbil\u2019de al\u0131nan resmi ortak savunma karar\u0131n\u0131 sahada tamamen i\u015flevsiz k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yap\u0131lan gizli\/a\u00e7\u0131k uzla\u015f\u0131lar neticesinde, Ba\u011fdat\u2019a ba\u011fl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ilerleyi\u015fi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda YNK kontrol\u00fcndeki askeri birimlerin (70. Tugaylar) diren\u00e7 g\u00f6stermeden geri \u00e7ekilmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde sahaya do\u011frudan emir iletilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Stratejik Sonu\u00e7: <\/strong>Resmi olarak savunulmas\u0131 kararla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan kilit \u00fcslerin, petrol sahalar\u0131n\u0131n ve stratejik koridorlar\u0131n bu paralel kararla e\u015f zamanl\u0131 olarak bo\u015falt\u0131lmas\u0131, cephe b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc an\u0131nda par\u00e7alam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durum, ortak karara sad\u0131k kalarak mevzilerinde kalan di\u011fer Pe\u015fmerge birimlerini de lojistik ve co\u011frafi olarak savunmas\u0131z b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f, topyek\u00fcn bir geri \u00e7ekilme dalgas\u0131 do\u011furmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

          C. G\u00fcncel Muhasebe: \u00c7ok Y\u00f6nl\u00fc Sald\u0131r\u0131lar Kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda K\u00fcrt Siyaseti<\/p>\n

          Kerk\u00fck\u2019\u00fcn ve stratejik topraklar\u0131n bu \u015fekilde kaybedilmesi, sadece ge\u00e7mi\u015fe ait bir askeri ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k de\u011fildir; bug\u00fcn G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc jeopolitik sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n (ekonomik b\u00fct\u00e7e kesintileri, s\u0131n\u0131r ihlalleri ve yarg\u0131sal ku\u015fatmalar) zeminini haz\u0131rlayan ana fakt\u00f6rd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

          Bu durumun \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc siyasi ve askeri muhasebesi, g\u00fcn\u00fcbirlik medya polemiklerinin veya tarafl\u0131 su\u00e7lamalar\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, yap\u0131sal bir ger\u00e7e\u011fi ortaya koymaktad\u0131r: Uluslararas\u0131 sistemde devlet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir akt\u00f6r, en \u00fcst d\u00fczeyde ortak kararlar alsa dahi; kendi i\u00e7inde askeri komuta birli\u011fini mutlakla\u015ft\u0131ramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin paralel n\u00fcfuz alanlar\u0131n\u0131 kesemedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece, co\u011frafi egemenli\u011fini ve siyasi stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc koruyamamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

          VIII. 16 Ekim Kerk\u00fck K\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve K\u00fcrt Siyasetinde \u0130\u00e7 Par\u00e7alanma (YNK – \u0130ran – Ha\u015fdi \u015eabi Aks\u0131)<\/p>\n

          2017 Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu\u2019nun getirdi\u011fi askeri faturan\u0131n en trajik ve belirleyici perdesi, 16 Ekim 2017 gecesi Kerk\u00fck ve \u00e7evresindeki tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde (Madde 140 alanlar\u0131) ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, sadece Ba\u011fdat ordusunun askeri bir ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fil; b\u00f6lgesel istihbarat a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n (\u00f6zellikle \u0130ran’\u0131n) K\u00fcrt siyasetindeki i\u00e7 hat hatlar\u0131n\u0131 (KDP-YNK rekabetini) kullanarak organize etti\u011fi diplomatik ve askeri bir operasyondur.<\/p>\n

          A. Kas\u0131m S\u00fcleymani Doktrini ve YNK \u0130\u00e7indeki Anla\u015fma<\/p>\n

          Referandum \u00f6ncesinde ve hemen sonras\u0131nda, \u0130ran Devrim Muhaf\u0131zlar\u0131 Ordusu (IRGC) Kud\u00fcs G\u00fcc\u00fc Komutan\u0131 Kas\u0131m S\u00fcleymani, S\u00fcleymaniye ve Erbil hatt\u0131nda yo\u011fun bir mekik diplomasisi y\u00fcr\u00fctm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Referandumun iptal edilmemesi \u00fczerine Tahran, YNK i\u00e7indeki liderlik bo\u015flu\u011fundan (Celal Talabani\u2019nin referandumdan k\u0131sa s\u00fcre \u00f6nce, 3 Ekim 2017’de vefat etmesiyle olu\u015fan bo\u015fluk) yararlanarak parti i\u00e7indeki belirli bir klikle (Bafil Talabani, Lahur Talabani ve Aras \u015eeyh Cengi grubu) do\u011frudan temasa ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Ba\u011fdat-S\u00fcleymaniye Gizli Anla\u015fmas\u0131: Yap\u0131lan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler neticesinde, Ha\u015fdi \u015eabi (\u015eii Milis G\u00fc\u00e7leri) ve Irak federal ordusunun Kerk\u00fck\u2019e y\u00f6nelik ba\u015flataca\u011f\u0131 askeri harekata YNK\u2019ye ba\u011fl\u0131 70. Pe\u015fmerge Birimleri\u2019nin diren\u00e7 g\u00f6stermemesi konusunda bir uzla\u015f\u0131 sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Anla\u015fman\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda; S\u00fcleymaniye b\u00f6lgesinin ekonomik olarak \u00f6d\u00fcllendirilece\u011fi, memur maa\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan Ba\u011fdat taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6denece\u011fi ve YNK\u2019nin b\u00f6lgedeki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n korunaca\u011f\u0131 vaat edilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

          B. 16 Ekim Gecesi: Direni\u015fsiz Geri \u00c7ekilme ve Askeri Hatlar\u0131n \u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/p>\n

          16 Ekim 2017 gecesi Irak ordusu ve \u0130ran destekli Ha\u015fdi \u015eabi milisleri (Asaib Ehlil Hak, Bedir \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc vb.), ABD yap\u0131m\u0131 Abrams tanklar\u0131 ve a\u011f\u0131r silahlarla Kerk\u00fck\u2019\u00fcn g\u00fcneyindeki mevzilere do\u011fru harekete ge\u00e7ti\u011finde, cephe hatt\u0131nda konu\u015flu olan YNK Pe\u015fmergeleri, merkezden (S\u00fcleymaniye’den) gelen do\u011frudan emirle mevzilerini terk ederek geri \u00e7ekilmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Cephenin Yar\u0131lmas\u0131: <\/strong>Kerk\u00fck’\u00fcn savunma hatt\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan kilit noktalar\u0131n (K1 Askeri \u00dcss\u00fc,<\/p>\n

          Kerk\u00fck Havaalan\u0131 ve petrol kuyular\u0131) tek bir kur\u015fun s\u0131k\u0131lmadan bo\u015falt\u0131lmas\u0131, Erbil\u2019e ba\u011fl\u0131 (KDP e\u011filimli) Pe\u015fmerge g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin de taktiksel olarak ku\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131na ve koordinasyonsuz bir \u015fekilde geri \u00e7ekilmek zorunda kalmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

          \u00a0Kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 Su\u00e7lamalar ve Siyasi \u0130hanet Tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131:<\/strong> D\u00f6nemin IKBY Ba\u015fkan\u0131 say\u0131n Mesud Barzani ve KDP y\u00f6netimi, bu geri \u00e7ekilmeyi “K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n gelece\u011fine y\u00f6nelik arkadan b\u0131\u00e7aklama ve b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ihanet” olarak nitelendirmi\u015ftir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k YNK kanad\u0131 (Bafil Talabani), askeri g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesinin e\u015fitsiz oldu\u011funu, bo\u015f yere Pe\u015fmerge kan\u0131 ak\u0131tmamak ve<\/p>\n

          S\u00fcleymaniye’yi korumak i\u00e7in bu karar\u0131 ald\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 savunmu\u015ftur. Ancak sahadaki ger\u00e7eklik, bu karar\u0131n askeri bir zorunluluktan ziyade, \u0130ran ve Ba\u011fdat ile yap\u0131lan siyasi pazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir sonucu oldu\u011funu tescillemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

          C. Bu \u0130\u00e7 K\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n Stratejik ve Ekonomik Sonu\u00e7lar\u0131<\/p>\n

          Bu olumsuz tav\u0131r ve diren\u00e7siz geri \u00e7ekilme, K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketine telafisi neredeyse imkans\u0131z \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck darbe vurmu\u015ftur:<\/p>\n

            \n
          1. “K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n Kalbi”nin Kayb\u0131:<\/strong> K\u00fcrt liderli\u011finin “K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n Kud\u00fcs’\u00fc” olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

            Kerk\u00fck, tek bir gecede K\u00fcrt idari kontrol\u00fcnden \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sadece \u015fehir merkezi de\u011fil, Bay Hasan ve Havana gibi devasa petrol kuyular\u0131 Ba\u011fdat\u2019\u0131n eline ge\u00e7mi\u015f; bu da IKBY\u2019nin toplam petrol gelirlerinin %50\u2019sini an\u0131nda kaybetmesi anlam\u0131na gelmi\u015ftir. Erbil’in ekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k iddias\u0131 o gece \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

            2. \u00c7ift Ba\u015fl\u0131 Y\u00f6netim\u00a0 Riskini Tetiklemesi: 16 Ekim s\u00fcreci,<\/strong><\/p>\n

            1990’lardaki KDP-YNK i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fcllerini yeniden \u00fcflemi\u015f, K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgesini fiilen yeniden “Sar\u0131 B\u00f6lge” (Erbil-Duhok) ve “Ye\u015fil B\u00f6lge” (S\u00fcleymaniye) olarak iki ba\u015fl\u0131 bir g\u00fcvenlik ve idari yap\u0131ya s\u00fcr\u00fcklemi\u015ftir. Ba\u011fdat, Erbil\u2019i zay\u0131flatmak i\u00e7in S\u00fcleymaniye\u2019yi do\u011frudan muhatap alma stratejisini o g\u00fcnden sonra kal\u0131c\u0131 hale getirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

              \n
            1. Uluslararas\u0131 Kamuoyunda “G\u00fcven” Kayb\u0131: <\/strong>K\u00fcrtlerin kendi i\u00e7lerinde tek bir askeri komuta zincirine ve siyasi birli\u011fe sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6ren k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7ler (\u00f6zellikle ABD ve Bat\u0131), Erbil\u2019in tam egemen bir devlet akt\u00f6r\u00fc olma kapasitesini ciddi \u015fekilde sorgulamaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u00e7eride b\u00f6l\u00fcnen bir yap\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015far\u0131da devletle\u015femeyece\u011fi realitesi, k\u00fcresel sistem taraf\u0131ndan bir kez daha teyit edilmi\u015ftir.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

              IX. SONU\u00c7 VE DE\u011eERLEND\u0130RME: “DEVLET BENZER\u0130 AMA DEVLET OLMAYAN” \u0130K\u0130Y\u00dcZL\u00dc STAT\u00dc<\/p>\n

              G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan (IKBY) \u00f6rne\u011fi, uluslararas\u0131 sistemin ahlaki ve hukuki a\u00e7\u0131dan ne kadar \u00e7eli\u015fkili oldu\u011funu g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne seren bir laboratuvar niteli\u011findedir.<\/p>\n

              Erbil; ordusu, parlamentosu, s\u0131n\u0131r kap\u0131lar\u0131, yarg\u0131 organlar\u0131 ve diplomatik temsilcilikleriyle pratik olarak bir devlet gibi i\u015flev g\u00f6rmektedir. Ancak uluslararas\u0131 sistem, devletsiz halklar\u0131 ihtiya\u00e7 duyuldu\u011funda (I\u015e\u0130D’e kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fta oldu\u011fu gibi) “vazge\u00e7ilmez askeri m\u00fcttefik” olarak kullan\u0131rken; bu halklar kendi haklar\u0131n\u0131, kimliklerini ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 talep ettiklerinde onlar\u0131 “istikrar\u0131 bozan yerel unsurlar” olarak yaftalamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

              Bu \u00e7eli\u015fki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmedi\u011fi ve uluslararas\u0131 hukuk “devlet merkezli” kat\u0131 yap\u0131s\u0131ndan s\u0131yr\u0131l\u0131p “halk merkezli” bir adalete evrilmedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece; G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlet kurma hakk\u0131 s\u00fcrekli k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na endekslenmek istenen hassas ve k\u0131r\u0131lgan bir yap\u0131 olarak kal\u0131r.<\/p>\n

              \n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

              I. \u00d6ZET Modern uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler ve devletler hukuku sistemi, Westphalia d\u00fczeninin devlet merkezli yap\u0131s\u0131 ile Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler (BM) \u015eart\u0131\u2019n\u0131n vaat etti\u011fi “halklar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin etme” (self-determination) ilkesi aras\u0131ndaki kronik bir uyu\u015fmazl\u0131k \u00fczerine kuruludur. Bu yap\u0131sal \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi en derinden deneyimleyen topluluklar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda gelen K\u00fcrtler, G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da (Irak K\u00fcrt B\u00f6lgesel Y\u00f6netimi – IKBY) de facto (fiili) […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1038974,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[26],"tags":[31],"class_list":["post-1038973","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-forum","tag-onemli"],"blocksy_meta":[],"seo_head":"\nULUSLARARASI S\u0130STEMDE DEVLETS\u0130Z ULUSLAR:\u00a0 G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan (IKBY) \u00d6rne\u011finde Siyasi ve Hukuki Stat\u00fc \u00c7eli\u015fkisi - Darka Mazi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/archives\/1038973\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"ULUSLARARASI S\u0130STEMDE DEVLETS\u0130Z ULUSLAR:\u00a0 G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan (IKBY) \u00d6rne\u011finde Siyasi ve Hukuki Stat\u00fc \u00c7eli\u015fkisi - Darka Mazi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"I. \u00d6ZET Modern uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler ve devletler hukuku sistemi, Westphalia d\u00fczeninin devlet merkezli yap\u0131s\u0131 ile Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler (BM) \u015eart\u0131\u2019n\u0131n vaat etti\u011fi “halklar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin etme” (self-determination) ilkesi aras\u0131ndaki kronik bir uyu\u015fmazl\u0131k \u00fczerine kuruludur. 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