{"id":1039211,"date":"2026-08-30T15:06:08","date_gmt":"2026-08-30T12:06:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/?p=1039211"},"modified":"2026-08-30T15:08:35","modified_gmt":"2026-08-30T12:08:35","slug":"1039211","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/archives\/1039211","title":{"rendered":"Zorunlu Entegrasyondan Anayasal Tan\u0131nmaya: Rojava Sonras\u0131 K\u00fcrt Siyasi Hareketinin Hukuki Zemin Aray\u0131\u015f\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"

Giri\u015f<\/strong><\/h4>\n

\u201cS\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 \u00c7izilmi\u015f \u00d6zerklikten S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n Silinmesine: Korsikadan Rojava’ya\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, Korsika ve Rojava \u00f6zerklik modellerini kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rarak, birincisinin anayasal tan\u0131nmaya, ikincisinin ise askeri dengeye dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bu fark\u0131n, denge bozuldu\u011funda Rojava yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n neden h\u0131zla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tezini ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. O \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, \u015fu a\u00e7\u0131k soruyla sona eriyordu: K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketi, zorunlu entegrasyon sonras\u0131nda hak aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 Korsika modelinin sundu\u011fu t\u00fcrden kurumsal ve hukuki bir zemine ta\u015f\u0131yabilecek midir? Bu makale, aradan ge\u00e7en aylarda somutla\u015fan verilerle bu soruyu do\u011frudan ele almaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ama\u00e7, iyimser ya da k\u00f6t\u00fcmser bir kehanette bulunmak de\u011fil, mevcut hukuki ara\u00e7lar\u0131n (10 Mart Anla\u015fmas\u0131, Ocak 2026 kararnamesi, ge\u00e7ici anayasa ve kal\u0131c\u0131 anayasa s\u00fcreci) her birinin hangi d\u00fczeyde ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Korsika’n\u0131n Anayasa Md. 72-5 modeliyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rarak ortaya koymakt\u0131r. Sorulan soru \u015fudur: K\u00fcrtlerin bug\u00fcne kadar elde ettikleri kazan\u0131mlar, bir anayasal g\u00fcvenceye mi, yoksa siyasi iradeye ba\u011fl\u0131, geri al\u0131nabilir d\u00fczenlemelere mi dayanmaktad\u0131r?<\/p>\n

1. Kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n Hukuki Hiyerar\u015fisi: Protokolden Kararnameye<\/strong><\/h3>\n

K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin \u015eam y\u00f6netimiyle ili\u015fkisinde bug\u00fcne kadar \u00fc\u00e7 farkl\u0131 d\u00fczeyde belge ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve bu belgelerin hukuki ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k dereceleri birbirinden olduk\u00e7a farkl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Birincisi,<\/strong> 10 Mart 2025’te Mazlum Abdi ile Ahmed e\u015f-\u015eara aras\u0131nda imzalanan sekiz maddelik mutabakatt\u0131r. Bu belge, t\u00fcm Suriyelilerin dini veya etnik k\u00f6kenden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak siyasi haklar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131, K\u00fcrt toplumunun vatanda\u015fl\u0131k ve anayasal haklara sahip olmas\u0131n\u0131, Kuzey ve Do\u011fu Suriye’deki sivil ve askeri kurumlar\u0131n Suriye devletine entegrasyonunu \u00f6ng\u00f6rmekteydi. Ne var ki bu belge, hukuki niteli\u011fi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bir anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi ya da yasa de\u011fil, taraflar aras\u0131nda imzalanm\u0131\u015f bir protokol niteli\u011findedir; maddelerin hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi i\u00e7in \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen y\u0131l sonu (31 Aral\u0131k 2025) takvimine ra\u011fmen, dokuz ayl\u0131k s\u00fcre boyunca maddelerin hi\u00e7biri fiilen uygulanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mazlum Abdi’nin bizzat bu anla\u015fman\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131ndaki yetersizli\u011fi kendi siyasi hayat\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck hatas\u0131 olarak nitelendirmesi, belgenin ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n siyasi irade d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir g\u00fcvenceye dayanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n itiraf\u0131 niteli\u011findedir.<\/p>\n

\u0130kincisi<\/strong>, Aral\u0131k 2025-Ocak 2026 askeri ku\u015fatmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan 29-30 Ocak 2026’da imzalanan kapsaml\u0131 ate\u015fkes ve entegrasyon anla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu belge, 10 Mart Anla\u015fmas\u0131’n\u0131n uygulanmayan y\u00f6nlerini, art\u0131k bir m\u00fczakere de\u011fil bir ma\u011flubiyet sonras\u0131 dayatma olarak yeniden d\u00fczenlemi\u015ftir: SDG birimlerinin Suriye ordusu b\u00fcnyesinde tugaylara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, Haseke ve Kam\u0131\u015fl\u0131’n\u0131n kontrol\u00fcn\u00fcn \u0130\u00e7i\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131’na ba\u011fl\u0131 polis g\u00fc\u00e7lerine devri gibi maddeler, \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada da belirtildi\u011fi gibi, bir hukuk metninin de\u011fil bir askeri yenilginin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc,<\/strong> 16 Ocak 2026’da yay\u0131mlanan 13 say\u0131l\u0131 Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Kararnamesi’dir. Bu kararname, K\u00fcrtlerin Suriye halk\u0131n\u0131n \u201ctemel ve asli bir par\u00e7as\u0131\u201d oldu\u011funu tan\u0131makta, K\u00fcrt\u00e7eyi ulusal dil stat\u00fcs\u00fcne kavu\u015fturarak e\u011fitimde kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7makta, Nevruz’u resmi tatil ilan etmekte ve uzun s\u00fcredir vatanda\u015fl\u0131ktan yoksun b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f K\u00fcrtlere yurtta\u015fl\u0131k hakk\u0131 tan\u0131maktad\u0131r. Bu, Suriye’nin 1946’daki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan bu yana K\u00fcrt k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve dilsel haklar\u0131n\u0131n en geni\u015f \u00e7er\u00e7evede kabul edildi\u011fi belgedir. Ancak burada kritik bir hukuki ayr\u0131m vard\u0131r: bir kararname, y\u00fcr\u00fctme organ\u0131n\u0131n tek tarafl\u0131 iradesiyle \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan ve yine tek tarafl\u0131 iradeyle geri al\u0131nabilen bir d\u00fczenlemedir; anayasal bir madde de\u011fildir, yarg\u0131sal denetime (Korsika’daki Anayasa Konseyi ya da Dan\u0131\u015ftay t\u00fcr\u00fcnden) tabi de\u011fildir ve gelecekteki bir cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n ya da y\u00f6netimin karar\u0131yla de\u011fi\u015ftirilebilir.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00fc\u00e7 belgenin ortak paydas\u0131<\/strong>, hi\u00e7birinin Korsika’n\u0131n Anayasa Md. 72-5’i gibi anayasal metne i\u015flenmi\u015f, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z yarg\u0131 organlar\u0131nca denetlenen bir g\u00fcvence d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fmam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrtlerin bug\u00fcne kadarki kazan\u0131mlar\u0131, siyasi protokol, dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f entegrasyon anla\u015fmas\u0131 ve y\u00fcr\u00fctme kararnamesi d\u00fczeyinde kalmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

2. Anayasal S\u00fcrecin Yap\u0131sal S\u0131n\u0131r\u0131: E\u015fit Vatanda\u015fl\u0131k m\u0131, Asimetrik Tan\u0131nma m\u0131?<\/strong><\/h3>\n

13 Mart 2025’te imzalanan Ge\u00e7ici Anayasa Bildirisi’nin haz\u0131rlan\u0131\u015f s\u00fcreci, K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki as\u0131l yap\u0131sal engeli g\u00f6stermektedir. Anayasa Haz\u0131rlama Komisyonu Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Abdulhamid el-Avak’\u0131n kendi ifadesiyle, komisyon \u201ckota sistemine d\u00f6nmek veya herhangi bir bile\u015fene \u00f6zel muamele tahsis etmek\u201d istememi\u015f, bunun yerine t\u00fcm vatanda\u015flar\u0131n kanun \u00f6n\u00fcnde e\u015fit oldu\u011fu soyut bir vatanda\u015fl\u0131k ilkesini tercih etmi\u015ftir. Bu, do\u011frudan Korsika modelinin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tersidir: Frans\u0131z anayasal sisteminde Korsika’ya tan\u0131nan \u00f6zel stat\u00fc (Md. 72-5), tam olarak \u201cbir bile\u015fene \u00f6zel muamele\u201d niteli\u011findedir ve Frans\u0131z cumhuriyet\u00e7i \u201cb\u00f6l\u00fcnmezlik\u201d ilkesinin bilin\u00e7li bir istisnas\u0131 olarak kurulmu\u015ftur. Suriye’nin ge\u00e7ici anayasas\u0131 ise, tam tersine, bu t\u00fcr asimetrik\/grup temelli tan\u0131may\u0131 \u00f6nceden ve ilke d\u00fczeyinde d\u0131\u015flamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Nitekim ENKS gibi K\u00fcrt siyasi \u00e7evreleri, ge\u00e7ici anayasa bildirisini \u201cSuriye’nin \u00e7ok uluslu yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yok sayan\u201d bir belge olarak ele\u015ftirmi\u015f; K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ulusal ve siyasi bir kimlik olarak de\u011fil, yaln\u0131zca bireysel vatanda\u015fl\u0131k \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde tan\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/strong>. Bu ele\u015ftiri, meselenin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc yakalamaktad\u0131r: bireysel e\u015fitlik ilkesi ile grup temelli anayasal tan\u0131nma, birbirinin yerine ge\u00e7emeyen iki farkl\u0131 hukuki mimaridir. <\/strong>Korsika’n\u0131n Md. 72-5’i, adan\u0131n kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc kimli\u011fini anayasal d\u00fczeyde tan\u0131yarak ona bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ama g\u00fcvenceli bir yetki alan\u0131 tahsis etmektedir; Suriye’nin ge\u00e7ici anayasas\u0131 ise, tan\u0131m\u0131 gere\u011fi, hi\u00e7bir bile\u015fene bu t\u00fcrden bir asimetrik stat\u00fc tahsis etmemektedir.<\/p>\n

10 Mart Anla\u015fmas\u0131’n\u0131n K\u00fcrt haklar\u0131na ili\u015fkin maddelerinin ge\u00e7ici anayasaya neden girmedi\u011fi sorusuna Mazlum Abdi’nin verdi\u011fi yan\u0131t da bu yap\u0131sal s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 do\u011frulamaktad\u0131r: ge\u00e7ici anayasan\u0131n 10 Mart Anla\u015fmas\u0131’ndan \u00f6nce haz\u0131rland\u0131\u011f\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00fczerinde mutab\u0131k kal\u0131nan maddelerin metne dahil edilemedi\u011fi aktar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. A\u011fustos 2026 itibar\u0131yla Abdi, gelecekte kal\u0131c\u0131 bir anayasa haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131 halinde imzalanan maddelerin bu metne girmesi gerekti\u011fine dair bir s\u00f6z al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmi\u015ftir \u2014 ancak bu, hukuki bir mekanizma de\u011fil, siyasi bir vaattir; g\u00fcvencesi ise Abdi’nin kendi ifadesiyle \u201cK\u00fcrt siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin ve K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n birli\u011fi\u201ddir, yani yine bir kurumsal\/hukuki denetim de\u011fil, siyasi kald\u0131ra\u00e7t\u0131r.<\/p>\n

3. Kurumsal Denetim Eksikli\u011fi: Korsika’da Mahkeme, Suriye’de Siyasi \u0130rade<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Korsika modelinin dayan\u0131kl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n as\u0131l kayna\u011f\u0131, \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda vurguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, Anayasa Konseyi ve Dan\u0131\u015ftay’\u0131n organik yasa de\u011fi\u015fikliklerini ve y\u00fcr\u00fctme kararlar\u0131n\u0131 denetleme yetkisidir. Bu, Frans\u0131z siyasi \u00e7o\u011funluklar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fse bile Korsika’n\u0131n stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn tek tarafl\u0131 olarak geri al\u0131namayaca\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. Suriye’de ise ge\u00e7ici anayasa, kal\u0131c\u0131 bir anayasa kabul edilene ve se\u00e7imler yap\u0131lana kadar be\u015f y\u0131ll\u0131k bir ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemi \u00f6ng\u00f6rmekte, bu s\u00fcre boyunca yasama yetkisi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan atanan bir Halk Meclisi’nde toplanmaktad\u0131r. Temmuz 2026’da 210 \u00fcyeye tamamlanan bu meclise cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n atad\u0131\u011f\u0131 70 \u00fcye dahildir; SDG ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 hi\u00e7bir isim yer almam\u0131\u015f, K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli milletvekili say\u0131s\u0131 11’de kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu tablo, <\/strong>K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin hak aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yabilece\u011fi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir anayasal denetim organ\u0131n\u0131n hen\u00fcz mevcut olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. Kararname 13’\u00fcn gelecekte bir ba\u015fka kararnameyle de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesini \u00f6nleyecek, ya da kal\u0131c\u0131 anayasa tasla\u011f\u0131na K\u00fcrt haklar\u0131na ili\u015fkin maddelerin girmesini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alacak ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir yarg\u0131 mercii yoktur. Bu ba\u011flamda, Korsika’daki \u201ckurumsal\/hukuki g\u00fcvence\u201d ile Rojava-sonras\u0131 Suriye’deki \u201csiyasi irade ve s\u00f6ze g\u00fcven\u201d aras\u0131ndaki fark, yap\u0131sal ve kurumsal bir farkt\u0131r \u2014 sadece siyasi taraflar aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fcven eksikli\u011finden ibaret de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

4. K\u00fcrt Hareketinin Elindeki Kald\u0131ra\u00e7lar<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Bu olumsuz tabloya ra\u011fmen, K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin elinde baz\u0131 kald\u0131ra\u00e7lar kalmaya devam etmektedir. Birincisi<\/strong>, n\u00fcfus ve b\u00f6lgesel a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kt\u0131r: Haseke, Kam\u0131\u015fl\u0131, Kobani gibi b\u00f6lgelerdeki demografik yo\u011funluk, \u015eam y\u00f6netiminin bu b\u00f6lgeleri istikrarl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde y\u00f6netebilmesi i\u00e7in K\u00fcrt siyasi akt\u00f6rlerinin en az\u0131ndan k\u0131smi r\u0131zas\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duymas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir. \u0130kincisi<\/strong>, uluslararas\u0131 g\u00f6zlem ve garant\u00f6rl\u00fck mekanizmas\u0131d\u0131r: 10 Mart Anla\u015fmas\u0131’n\u0131n uzat\u0131lmas\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde ABD’nin resmi garant\u00f6r s\u0131fat\u0131yla role dahil olmas\u0131, I\u015e\u0130D’e Kar\u015f\u0131 Uluslararas\u0131 Koalisyon temsilcilerinin ve ABD’li yetkililerin s\u00fcrece dahil olmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt taraf\u0131na belirli bir uluslararas\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck ve m\u00fczakere kald\u0131rac\u0131 sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r \u2014 ancak bu kald\u0131ra\u00e7, \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada da belirtildi\u011fi gibi, d\u0131\u015f akt\u00f6rlerin \u00f6nceliklerine ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in Korsika’daki anayasal g\u00fcvence kadar istikrarl\u0131 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc kald\u0131ra\u00e7<\/strong>, do\u011frudan Mazlum Abdi’nin vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 husustur: anadilde e\u011fitim meselesinde geri ad\u0131m atmama kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131. Abdi, yakla\u015f\u0131k on be\u015f y\u0131ld\u0131r Rojava’da s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen K\u00fcrt\u00e7e e\u011fitimin yaln\u0131zca se\u00e7meli ders d\u00fczeyine indirilmesini kabul etmeyeceklerini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a belirtmi\u015ftir. Bu, sahada fiilen var olan bir kurumsal kapasitenin (e\u011fitim sistemi, m\u00fcfredat, \u00f6\u011fretmen kadrosu) m\u00fczakere masas\u0131nda somut bir referans noktas\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir \u2014 yani paradiplomasi d\u00f6neminde in\u015fa edilen fiili kapasitenin, siyasi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeden sonra bile tamamen de\u011fersizle\u015fmedi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir. D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc ve en k\u0131r\u0131lgan kald\u0131ra\u00e7 ise, Abdi’nin kendisinin de vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131, K\u00fcrt siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin birli\u011fidir; ancak ENKS ile PYD\/SDG \u00e7izgisi aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel ayr\u0131\u015fma g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bu birli\u011fin ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir oldu\u011fu belirsizli\u011fini korumaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7: \u00dc\u00e7 Olas\u0131 Senaryo<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Mevcut veriler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00fc\u00e7 senaryo \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Birinci<\/strong> ve en olas\u0131 senaryo<\/strong>, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel\/dilsel haklar\u0131n (Kararname 13’\u00fcn kapsam\u0131) zamanla fiili bir kal\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k kazanmas\u0131, ancak siyasi\/ulusal tan\u0131nman\u0131n (asimetrik anayasal stat\u00fc, Korsika tipi \u00f6zerklik) kal\u0131c\u0131 anayasaya girmemesidir \u2014 yani Suriye, K\u00fcrtleri \u201ce\u015fit bireysel vatanda\u015flar\u201d olarak i\u00e7erirken, \u201cayr\u0131 bir siyasi-anayasal \u00f6zne\u201d olarak tan\u0131maktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmaya devam edecektir. \u0130kinci senaryo<\/strong>, kal\u0131c\u0131 anayasa yaz\u0131m s\u00fcrecinde K\u00fcrt temsilcilerin (Bahia Mardini \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi mevcut komisyonlarda zaten yer ald\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda) baz\u0131 m\u00fcnferit maddeleri metne dahil ettirmeyi ba\u015farmas\u0131, ancak bunun Korsika’daki gibi ayr\u0131 bir anayasal b\u00f6l\u00fcm veya organik yasa de\u011fil, da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k ve genel ilkeler d\u00fczeyinde kalmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc<\/strong> ve en zay\u0131f ihtimalli senaryo<\/strong>, b\u00f6lgesel dengelerin (ABD-Suriye-T\u00fcrkiye ili\u015fkileri) yeniden de\u011fi\u015fmesiyle K\u00fcrt taraf\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fczakere kald\u0131rac\u0131n\u0131 yeniden g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmesi ve buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak kal\u0131c\u0131 anayasada k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7en bir tan\u0131nma elde etmesidir; ancak bu senaryo, \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada tespit edilen yap\u0131sal k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n (d\u0131\u015f akt\u00f6r deste\u011fine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k) bir kez daha tekrarlanmas\u0131 riskini ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak<\/strong>, K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin hak aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 Korsika modelinin sundu\u011fu t\u00fcrden kurumsal ve hukuki bir zemine ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc veriler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yap\u0131sal olarak zorludur \u2014 bunun nedeni yaln\u0131zca siyasi irade eksikli\u011fi de\u011fil, Suriye’nin ge\u00e7ici anayasas\u0131n\u0131n temelini olu\u015fturan \u201casimetrik tan\u0131may\u0131 d\u0131\u015flayan e\u015fit vatanda\u015fl\u0131k\u201d ilkesinin, Korsika tipi bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn \u00f6nko\u015fulu olan grup temelli anayasal tan\u0131mayla yap\u0131sal olarak ba\u011fda\u015fmamas\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrt hareketinin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i yol, b\u00fcy\u00fck ihtimalle ne tam bir Korsika modeli ne de tam bir tan\u0131mama olacak; k\u00fclt\u00fcrel\/dilsel haklar\u0131n kararname d\u00fczeyinde geni\u015flemesi ile siyasi\/anayasal tan\u0131nman\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmas\u0131 aras\u0131nda, istikrars\u0131z bir ara b\u00f6lgede seyretmeye devam edecektir.<\/p>\n

Devam Edecek<\/p>\n

3.B\u00d6L\u00dcM: Fesih Zinciri: PKK’dan SDG’ye, Bireysel \u0130kameden Kolektif Tan\u0131nmaya Uzanan Bo\u015fluk<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kaynak\u00e7a \/ Dipnotlar<\/strong><\/h3>\n
    \n
  1. \u00d6nceki iki makale: \u201cS\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 \u00c7izilmi\u015f \u00d6zerklik: Korsika Sorunu, FLNC ve Cumhuriyet Modelinin Krizi\u201d ve \u201cS\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 \u00c7izilmi\u015f \u00d6zerklikten S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n Silinmesine: Korsikadan Rojava’ya\u201d.<\/li>\n
  2. 10 Mart 2025 Anla\u015fmas\u0131 ve uygulanma s\u00fcreci i\u00e7in bkz. bianet, Anadolu Ajans\u0131 ve \u0130lke TV’nin konuya ili\u015fkin haber ve analizleri; Vikipedi, \u201cSuriye-SDG \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 (2025-2026)\u201d.<\/li>\n
  3. Euronews T\u00fcrk\u00e7e ve Fokus+, Ocak 2026’daki K\u00fcrt k\u00fclt\u00fcrel\/dilsel haklar\u0131 kararnamesine (2026 Y\u0131l\u0131 13. Kararname) ili\u015fkin haberler, 17 Ocak 2026.<\/li>\n
  4. Ge\u00e7ici anayasa s\u00fcreci ve K\u00fcrt ele\u015ftirileri i\u00e7in bkz. Rudaw, H\u00fcrriyet ve SDE’nin 13 Mart 2025 tarihli haberleri; Nerina Azad, Ahmed El-Kurbi r\u00f6portaj\u0131, 15 Mart 2025.<\/li>\n
  5. SANA T\u00fcrk\u00e7e, \u201cSuriye’de Yeni Halk Meclisi Tamamland\u0131\u201d, 3 Temmuz 2026.<\/li>\n
  6. Mazlum Abdi’nin A\u011fustos 2026 a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 i\u00e7in bkz. Medyascope ve Art\u0131 Sirt.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    \n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Giri\u015f \u201cS\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 \u00c7izilmi\u015f \u00d6zerklikten S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n Silinmesine: Korsikadan Rojava’ya\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, Korsika ve Rojava \u00f6zerklik modellerini kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rarak, birincisinin anayasal tan\u0131nmaya, ikincisinin ise askeri dengeye dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bu fark\u0131n, denge bozuldu\u011funda Rojava yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n neden h\u0131zla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tezini ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. O \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, \u015fu a\u00e7\u0131k soruyla sona eriyordu: K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketi, zorunlu entegrasyon sonras\u0131nda hak aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 Korsika […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1039212,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[26],"tags":[31],"class_list":["post-1039211","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-forum","tag-onemli"],"blocksy_meta":{"styles_descriptor":{"styles":{"desktop":"","tablet":"","mobile":""},"google_fonts":[],"version":7}},"seo_head":"\nZorunlu Entegrasyondan Anayasal Tan\u0131nmaya: Rojava Sonras\u0131 K\u00fcrt Siyasi Hareketinin Hukuki Zemin Aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 - Darka Mazi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/archives\/1039211\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Zorunlu Entegrasyondan Anayasal Tan\u0131nmaya: Rojava Sonras\u0131 K\u00fcrt Siyasi Hareketinin Hukuki Zemin Aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 - Darka Mazi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Giri\u015f \u201cS\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 \u00c7izilmi\u015f \u00d6zerklikten S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n Silinmesine: Korsikadan Rojava’ya\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, Korsika ve Rojava \u00f6zerklik modellerini kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rarak, birincisinin anayasal tan\u0131nmaya, ikincisinin ise askeri dengeye dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bu fark\u0131n, denge bozuldu\u011funda Rojava yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n neden h\u0131zla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tezini ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. 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