{"id":1039242,"date":"2026-09-03T14:12:15","date_gmt":"2026-09-03T11:12:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/?p=1039242"},"modified":"2026-09-03T14:13:07","modified_gmt":"2026-09-03T11:13:07","slug":"kontrollu-savastan-bolgesel-duzen-kuruculuguna","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/archives\/1039242","title":{"rendered":"Kontroll\u00fc Sava\u015ftan B\u00f6lgesel D\u00fczen Kuruculu\u011funa"},"content":{"rendered":"

T\u00fcrkiye ve PKK \u00c7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n Elli Y\u0131l\u0131, G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n Devletle\u015fme Sorunu <\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

ve K\u00fcrt Hareketinin Tarihsel Paradoksu<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

    \n
  1. B\u00f6l\u00fcm: T\u00fcrkiye, PKK’yi yaln\u0131zca ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir tehdit olarak de\u011fil, uzun s\u00fcre y\u00f6netilebilir bir tehdit olarak ele ald\u0131.<\/em><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye-PKK \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k elli y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihini yaln\u0131zca \u201cter\u00f6rle m\u00fccadele\u201d veya \u201cK\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131ndan biriyle a\u00e7\u0131klaman\u0131n yetersiz oldu\u011fu nu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

    Burda as\u0131l sorulmas\u0131 gereken soru \u015fudur:<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti devleti, asker\u00ee, ekonomik, teknolojik ve istihbarat kapasitesi PKK’nin kapasitesinden katbekat \u00fcst\u00fcn oldu\u011fu halde, bu sava\u015f\u0131 neden yakla\u015f\u0131k yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc?<\/em><\/p>\n

    Bu soru sorulurken \u201cPKK’yi T\u00fcrk devleti kurdu\u201d<\/em><\/strong> gibi bir iddia ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fcyor. B\u00f6yle bir iddian\u0131n ayr\u0131ca \u00e7ok daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve do\u011frudan kan\u0131tlarla ortaya konulmas\u0131 gerekir.<\/p>\n

    \u0130leri s\u00fcr\u00fclen tez daha farkl\u0131d\u0131r:<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye, PKK’yi yaln\u0131zca ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir tehdit olarak de\u011fil, uzun s\u00fcre y\u00f6netilebilir bir tehdit olarak ele ald\u0131.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

    Buna da \u201ckontroll\u00fc sava\u015f\u201d<\/em><\/strong> demek daha do\u011frudur.<\/p>\n

    Bir sava\u015f\u0131n kontrol edilmesi, devletin kar\u015f\u0131 taraf\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn eylemlerini y\u00f6netti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmez. Devlet ile \u00f6rg\u00fct aras\u0131nda gizli bir anla\u015fma<\/em><\/strong> bulundu\u011funu da tek ba\u015f\u0131na kan\u0131tlamaz.<\/p>\n

    Buradaki kas\u0131t \u015fudur:<\/p>\n

    Bir devlet bir tehdidi ortadan kald\u0131rabilecek kapasiteye sahip oldu\u011fu halde, o tehdidin belirli s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7erisinde devam etmesinin \u00fcretti\u011fi siyasal, asker\u00ee ve jeopolitik sonu\u00e7lardan yararlanabilir.<\/em><\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye-PKK ili\u015fkisini b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede okunmal\u0131.<\/p>\n

    \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc PKK sava\u015f\u0131 yaln\u0131zca PKK’nin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirlemedi.<\/p>\n

    Ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrkiye’nin devlet kapasitesini de\u011fi\u015ftirdi.<\/p>\n

    \u0130\u00e7eride g\u00fcvenlik b\u00fcrokrasisinin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesine, asker\u00ee harcamalar\u0131n me\u015frula\u015fmas\u0131na, istihbarat kapasitesinin geni\u015flemesine ve K\u00fcrt meselesinin uzun s\u00fcre demokratik, siyasal bir problemden ziyade g\u00fcvenlik problemi olarak ele al\u0131nmas\u0131na zemin haz\u0131rlad\u0131.<\/p>\n

    D\u0131\u015far\u0131da ise ayn\u0131 sava\u015f, T\u00fcrkiye’nin G\u00fcney ve K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n G\u00fcney Bat\u0131s\u0131na y\u00f6nelik asker\u00ee operasyonlar\u0131n\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131r \u00f6tesi asker\u00ee varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve giderek geni\u015fleyen b\u00f6lgesel n\u00fcfuzunu me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran temel gerek\u00e7elerden biri haline geldi.<\/p>\n

    Bunun yan\u0131nda PKK ile sava\u015f, T\u00fcrkiye’nin savunma sanayiinin geli\u015fmesinde de \u00f6nemli bir tarihsel i\u015flev g\u00f6rd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

    Elbette T\u00fcrk savunma sanayiinin geli\u015fimini yaln\u0131zca PKK sava\u015f\u0131na ba\u011flamak do\u011fru de\u011fildir. NATO \u00fcyeli\u011fi, K\u0131br\u0131s sonras\u0131 ambargolar, teknolojik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, ihracat hedefleri ve b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fcvenlik ortam\u0131 gibi bir \u00e7ok fakt\u00f6r bu geli\u015fmede rol oynad\u0131.<\/p>\n

    Bu s\u00fcrec ekonomik anlamda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye a\u011f\u0131r y\u00fckler getirirken, T\u00fcrk ekonomisi normal ko\u015fullarda b\u00f6ylesi karma\u015f\u0131k bir s\u00fcreci ve y\u00fck\u00fc ta\u015f\u0131yacak durumda de\u011fildi. Uygulanan konsepte ile bir yandan sava\u015f tecr\u00fcbesi kazan\u0131l\u0131yor, bir di\u011fer yandan ise askeri modernizasyon sa\u011flan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

    Toplumsal muhalefet ve yoksulla\u015fan halk kitleleri ise ya\u015fanan \u201c\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131\u201d s\u00fcre\u00e7ten vatan elden gidiyor b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz, da\u011f\u0131l\u0131yoruz metaforlar\u0131yla adeta patriotla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Kontur\u00f6ll\u00fc sava\u015f konseptiyle Bir yandan sava\u015f \u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131rtkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 normal hale getirilirken bir di\u011fer yandan yoksul halk kitleleri de kontrol alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f oldu.<\/p>\n

    Oysaki normal ko\u015fullarda bu kadar y\u00fcksek maliyetli bir silahlanma ve modernle\u015fmeyi sa\u011flamak pek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Bu konsept ile T\u00fcrkiye bir yandan b\u00f6lgesel bir akt\u00f6re d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrken di\u011fer bir yandan ise as\u0131l stratejik hedefine ise \u0130ran\u2019n\u0131n bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lmas\u0131 ile ula\u015f\u0131yor olmas\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilmemelidir.<\/p>\n

    Bu uzun s\u00fcreli PKK sava\u015f\u0131; insans\u0131z hava ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan istihbarat sistemlerine, elektronik harpten hassas m\u00fchimmata, z\u0131rhl\u0131 ara\u00e7lardan komuta kontrol sistemlerine kadar \u00e7ok geni\u015f bir asker\u00ee teknoloji alan\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli ve b\u00fcy\u00fck bir talep yaratt\u0131.<\/p>\n

    B\u00f6ylece PKK ile m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in geli\u015ftirilen kapasite, zaman i\u00e7erisinde PKK’yi a\u015fan bir kapasiteye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n

    PKK’ye kar\u015f\u0131 olu\u015fturulan asker\u00ee kapasite, T\u00fcrkiye’nin b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7 kapasitesinin altyap\u0131lar\u0131ndan biri haline geldi.<\/p>\n

    Bu anlamda as\u0131l meselenin en \u00f6nemli noktalar\u0131ndan biri de budur.<\/p>\n

    Peki b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlara as\u0131l neden nedir?<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye’nin K\u00fcrt politikas\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca PKK \u00fczerinden okumak ise daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir jeopolitik tabloyu g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131rmam\u0131za yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc PKK bir silahl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctt\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

    G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan ise zaman i\u00e7erisinde kurumsalla\u015fan bir siyasi co\u011frafyad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    1991 K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda Irak K\u00fcrtlerinin \u00f6zerk y\u00f6netim kapasitesi geli\u015fmi\u015f, 1992’de KDP ve KYB ortak bir y\u00f6netim olu\u015fturmu\u015f, 2005 Irak Anayasas\u0131 ise K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesel Y\u00f6netimi’nin anayasal stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc tan\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye’nin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki mesele yaln\u0131zca PKK’nin silahl\u0131 varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

    Ortada belirli bir co\u011frafya, n\u00fcfus, parlamento, h\u00fck\u00fcmet, g\u00fcvenlik g\u00fc\u00e7leri, ekonomik kaynaklar, petrol, s\u0131n\u0131r kap\u0131lar\u0131 ve uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler kurabilen bir K\u00fcrt siyasi yap\u0131lanmas\u0131 bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Bu durumda T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan PKK ile m\u00fccadele ile G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’daki devletle\u015fme ihtimalinin birbirinden ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fidir.<\/p>\n

    PKK bir g\u00fcvenlik tehdididir.<\/p>\n

    G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fmas\u0131 ise jeopolitik bir tehdittir.<\/p>\n

    Bu ikisi ayn\u0131 \u015fey de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

    Bir silahl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctle sava\u015fabilirsiniz.<\/p>\n

    Onun kadrolar\u0131n\u0131 tasfiye edebilirsiniz.<\/p>\n

    Lojistik hatlar\u0131n\u0131 kesebilirsiniz.<\/p>\n

    Ama s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131z\u0131n hemen yan\u0131nda olu\u015fan, giderek kurumsalla\u015fan ve uluslararas\u0131 me\u015fruiyet kazanan bir K\u00fcrt siyasi yap\u0131s\u0131 \u00e7ok daha farkl\u0131 bir mesele yarat\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burada s\u00f6z konusu olan art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca \u201cter\u00f6r\u201d de\u011fildir. Devletle\u015fmedir.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

    Bu ayr\u0131m\u0131 en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imde ortaya koyan belge niteli\u011findeki aktar\u0131m, emekli Org. Tuncer K\u0131l\u0131n\u00e7’a atfedilen s\u00f6zlerdir.<\/p>\n

    \u0130smail Be\u015fik\u00e7i’nin yaz\u0131s\u0131nda K\u0131l\u0131n\u00e7’a \u015fu ifadeler atfedilmektedir:<\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/em><\/strong>\u2060<\/em><\/strong>\u201cPKK ile sava\u015f bizim i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli de\u011fil, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc o sava\u015f\u0131 biz kontrol ediyoruz. Ama en tehlikelisi, \u015fu anda \u00fclkemizin s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131nda yava\u015f yava\u015f in\u015fa edilen bir K\u00fcrdistan devletinin kurulmas\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

    Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu al\u0131nt\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcn kayd\u0131n\u0131n bulunmas\u0131 ayr\u0131ca \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Fakat s\u00f6z do\u011fru bi\u00e7imde aktar\u0131lm\u0131\u015fsa, tezimizin merkezindeki ayr\u0131m\u0131 ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ortaya koymaktad\u0131r:<\/p>\n

    PKK sava\u015f\u0131 kontrol edilebilir; s\u0131n\u0131rda geli\u015fen K\u00fcrt devletle\u015fmesi ise daha b\u00fcy\u00fck stratejik tehdittir.<\/p>\n

    \u0130\u015fte y\u0131llard\u0131r anlatmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z meselenin d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm noktas\u0131 budur.<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye’nin Barzani y\u00f6netimiyle d\u00f6nem d\u00f6nem i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmas\u0131 da bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede bir \u00e7eli\u015fki de\u011fildir. Tam tersine, bu politikan\u0131n mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye PKK’ye kar\u015f\u0131 Barzani y\u00f6netimiyle i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapabilir.<\/p>\n

    Barzani’nin PKK’ye kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmas\u0131ndan yararlanabilir.<\/p>\n

    Ekonomik ili\u015fkiler kurabilir.<\/p>\n

    Petrol ticareti yapabilir.<\/p>\n

    Erbil ile Ankara aras\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ili\u015fkiler geli\u015ftirebilir.<\/p>\n

    Ama ayn\u0131 anda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir K\u00fcrt devletinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kabilir.<\/p>\n

    Bunlar\u0131n birbirine z\u0131t olmas\u0131 gerekmez.<\/p>\n

    \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burada temel mesele K\u00fcrt siyasi alan\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 de\u011fil, hangi bi\u00e7imde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenece\u011finin belirlenmesidir.<\/p>\n

    ABD Kongresi’nin 2003 tarihli de\u011ferlendirmesinde de T\u00fcrkiye’nin G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019daki asker\u00ee varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n PKK’yi kontrol etmenin yan\u0131nda Irakl\u0131 K\u00fcrtlere y\u00f6nelik bir cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k i\u015flevi ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131; Ankara’n\u0131n Irakl\u0131 K\u00fcrtlerin fiil\u00ee bir devlet olu\u015fturmas\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmekle birlikte ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa do\u011fru ilerlemelerini istemedi\u011fi belirtilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    Bu son derece \u00f6nemlidir.<\/p>\n

    \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burada devletin \u00f6nceli\u011finin yaln\u0131zca PKK olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir.<\/p>\n

    K\u00fcrt devletle\u015fmesi, PKK’den daha geni\u015f bir jeopolitik mesele olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. 2003 sonras\u0131nda bu mesele daha da belirginle\u015fti. Irak’\u0131n i\u015fgaliyle birlikte K\u00fcrt B\u00f6lgesel Y\u00f6netimi’nin konumu g\u00fc\u00e7lendi.<\/p>\n

    2005 Anayasas\u0131 K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesi’ni Irak’\u0131n federal yap\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde anayasal olarak tan\u0131d\u0131.<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan art\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131da yaln\u0131zca silahl\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fct yoktu. Kar\u015f\u0131da anayasal stat\u00fcs\u00fc bulunan bir K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgesel y\u00f6netimi vard\u0131. Bu nedenle T\u00fcrkiye’nin politikas\u0131 da zaman i\u00e7erisinde de\u011fi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

    Bunu kabaca \u015f\u00f6yle okumak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn; yok etme \u2192 kontrol etme \u2192 ekonomik olarak ba\u011flama \u2192 b\u00f6lgesel sisteme entegre etme.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

    Bu politika, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan ihtimalini s\u0131n\u0131rlarken mevcut K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesel Y\u00f6netimi ile T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ekonomik ve g\u00fcvenlik ili\u015fkileri kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131ld\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Ankara’n\u0131n Barzani ile i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt devletle\u015fmesi konusundaki temel stratejik kayg\u0131yla \u00e7eli\u015fmemektedir.<\/p>\n

    Irak’ta son y\u0131llarda ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeler de bu a\u00e7\u0131dan dikkat \u00e7ekicidir.<\/p>\n

    Irak Federal Y\u00fcksek Mahkemesi’nin kararlar\u0131 KBY’nin mali, hukuki ve siyasal hareket alan\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli bi\u00e7imlerde s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6zellikle petrol gelirleri, b\u00f6lgesel b\u00fct\u00e7e ve K\u00fcrdistan Parlamentosu se\u00e7imleriyle ilgili kararlar Ba\u011fdat’\u0131n merkez\u00ee yetkilerini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    Bu s\u00fcreci \u201cIKBY ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yor\u201d \u015feklinde basitle\u015ftirmiyoruz.<\/p>\n

    G\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u015fey daha farkl\u0131:<\/p>\n

    2005 sonras\u0131nda geni\u015fleyen K\u00fcrt federalizminin hareket alan\u0131, Ba\u011fdat’\u0131n hukuk\u00ee ve mali kapasitesi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla daralt\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/em><\/p>\n

    Barzani’siyle Talabani’siyle IKBY’nin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z karar alma kapasitesi s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131k\u00e7a ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devletle\u015fme ihtimali de zay\u0131flamaktad\u0131r.<\/em><\/p>\n

    Bu s\u00fcrecin T\u00fcrkiye’nin stratejik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn.<\/p>\n

    Suriye’deki geli\u015fmeler de ayn\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck tablonun ba\u015fka bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    2012 sonras\u0131nda Suriye’nin kuzeyinde K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde geli\u015fen \u00f6zerk siyasi yap\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kabul edilemez hale geldi.<\/p>\n

    ABD’nin I\u015e\u0130D’e kar\u015f\u0131 SDG\/YPG ile kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fki, Ankara-Washington ili\u015fkilerinde ciddi sorunlara yol a\u00e7t\u0131.<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye ise Rojava\u2019da birbiri ard\u0131na asker\u00ee operasyonlar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi ve s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n g\u00fcneyinde kal\u0131c\u0131 bir asker\u00ee varl\u0131k olu\u015fturdu.<\/p>\n

    Bu okumama g\u00f6re burada da temel mesele yaln\u0131zca PKK’nin kendisi de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

    Mesele, T\u00fcrkiye s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n hemen g\u00fcneyinde ikinci bir K\u00fcrt siyasi alan\u0131n\u0131n kurumsalla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    27 \u015eubat 2025 tarihinde \u00d6calan’\u0131n PKK’ye silah b\u0131rakma ve \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc feshetme \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapmas\u0131 bu bak\u0131mdan \u00f6nemli bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye’deki silahl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n sona ermesi ile Suriye’deki K\u00fcrt siyasi ve asker\u00ee yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n gelece\u011fi birbirinden tamamen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

    2025 sonras\u0131nda Suriye’deki Rojava modelinin giderek s\u00f6n\u00fcmlendirilmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir tarihsel e\u011filim olu\u015ftu\u011fudur.<\/p>\n

    Rojava K\u00fcrtleri, Arap \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun bulundu\u011fu bir devlet i\u00e7erisinde kendi siyasi alanlar\u0131n\u0131 koruyabilmek i\u00e7in giderek daha fazla taviz vermek zorunda kalabilir. Ve her taviz yeni bir tavizin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7abilir.<\/p>\n

    Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 sonunda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir siyasi modelden ziyade, merkezi Suriye devleti i\u00e7erisinde s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 daralt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilir. Ne yaz\u0131k ki bug\u00fcn Rojava\u2019n\u0131n silahl\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc tamamen Suriye rejimine teslim olup tasfiye edildi.<\/p>\n

    \u0130ran aya\u011f\u0131 ise daha farkl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

    Yine \u00f6zel olarak \u00fczerinde durulmas\u0131 gereken \u015fey Suriye\u2019de \u0130ran devre d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131l\u0131rken T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Suriye\u2019nin yeni hamisi olmas\u0131 kadar Irak i\u00e7inde benzer bir yol ile ilerlemekte oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Irak i\u00e7erden bask\u0131lanarak \u0130ran\u2019dan uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p Turkiye\u2019nin etki alan\u0131na al\u0131nmak istenmesidir. Bu konuda K\u00fcrtlere kald\u0131ra\u00e7 g\u00f6revi gibi bir misyonun bi\u00e7ildi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek i\u00e7in \u00f6yle \u00e7ok fazla argumente ihtiya\u00e7 oldu\u011fu kanaatinde de\u011filiz.<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye kontroll\u00fc sava\u015f konseptiyle ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feyi 1920\u2019lerde K\u00fcrdlere pazarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Misaki Milli s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 esprisiyle yeniden pazarlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte bu kald\u0131ra\u00e7 g\u00f6revini g\u00f6ren onlarca Osmanl\u0131 Kurdistan ayd\u0131n\u0131<\/em><\/strong> daha sonra dar a\u011fa\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 boylad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131da unutmamak gerekir.<\/p>\n

    Yine \u015eeyh Mahmud Berzenci\u2019nin i\u00e7ine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc durum unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Objektif olarak Turkiye \u0130ran ile aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel etki alanlar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in \u00e7ok boyutlu bir oyun oynamakla kalmay\u0131p elli y\u0131ll\u0131k bir Kurmay haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na do\u011fru h\u0131zla yol al\u0131yor. T\u00fcrkiye iki \u015feye angaje de denebilir. Kasri \u015eirin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 veya s\u00f6z konusu s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 kendi etki alan\u0131na alma m\u00fccadelesi. Bu anlamda PJAK ve Do\u011fu Kurdistan sorunu d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcn \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fi yerde olabilir;<\/p>\n

    PJAK’\u0131n PKK ile tarihsel ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 bulunmaktad\u0131r. ABD kaynaklar\u0131 da bu ili\u015fkiyi ge\u00e7mi\u015ften beri de\u011ferlendirmektedir.<\/p>\n

    Kanaatimizce, PKK’nin tasfiyesinden sonra b\u00fct\u00fcn K\u00fcrt silahl\u0131 yap\u0131lar\u0131n ayn\u0131 anda ve ayn\u0131 y\u00f6ntemle ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n zorunlu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    K\u00fcrt hareketlerinin birbirinden ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, farkl\u0131 devletlerin kendi g\u00fcvenlik stratejileri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furabilir.<\/p>\n

    Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla PKK kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n ve siyasi enerjisinin gelecekte hangi co\u011frafyalara y\u00f6nelece\u011fi, \u00f6zellikle \u0130ran-Irak-T\u00fcrkiye \u00fc\u00e7geninde ayr\u0131ca ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir meseledir.<\/p>\n

    Burada kesinle\u015fmi\u015f bir olgudan de\u011fil, test edilmesi gereken bir jeopolitik hipotezden s\u00f6z ediyorum.<\/p>\n

    B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye’nin s\u0131n\u0131r \u00f6tesi asker\u00ee kapasitesinin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc de hesaba katmak gerekir.<\/p>\n

    PKK ile m\u00fccadele gerek\u00e7esiyle olu\u015fturulan s\u0131n\u0131r \u00f6tesi operasyon kapasitesi zaman i\u00e7erisinde PKK’yi a\u015fan bir kapasiteye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

    Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye’nin Irak ve Suriye’deki asker\u00ee varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca \u201cPKK ile m\u00fccadele\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131klamak yetersizdir.<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye art\u0131k s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde uzun s\u00fcreli asker\u00ee varl\u0131k s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilen, yerel akt\u00f6rlerle g\u00fcvenlik ili\u015fkileri kurabilen ve b\u00f6lgesel geli\u015fmeleri do\u011frudan etkileyebilen bir g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

    Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla PKK sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli tarihsel sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri \u015fudur:<\/p>\n

    Tehdit k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fcrken devlet kapasitesi b\u00fcy\u00fcm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

    Bu c\u00fcmle, elli y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcrecin en k\u0131sa \u00f6zeti olabilir.<\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye’deki i\u00e7 siyasal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc de bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n

    2. B\u00f6l\u00fcm yar\u0131n yay\u0131nlacak:<\/p>\n

    Mesele, PKK’nin sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 kapasitesinin ve kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n bundan sonra hangi b\u00f6lgesel d\u00fczen i\u00e7erisinde kullan\u0131laca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r<\/em><\/p>\n

    H\u00fcsamettin Turan<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    T\u00fcrkiye ve PKK \u00c7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n Elli Y\u0131l\u0131, G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n Devletle\u015fme Sorunu ve K\u00fcrt Hareketinin Tarihsel Paradoksu B\u00f6l\u00fcm: T\u00fcrkiye, PKK’yi yaln\u0131zca ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir tehdit olarak de\u011fil, uzun s\u00fcre y\u00f6netilebilir bir tehdit olarak ele ald\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye-PKK \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k elli y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihini yaln\u0131zca \u201cter\u00f6rle m\u00fccadele\u201d veya \u201cK\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131ndan biriyle a\u00e7\u0131klaman\u0131n yetersiz oldu\u011fu nu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1039244,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[26],"tags":[31],"class_list":["post-1039242","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-forum","tag-onemli"],"blocksy_meta":{"styles_descriptor":{"styles":{"desktop":"","tablet":"","mobile":""},"google_fonts":[],"version":7}},"seo_head":"\nKontroll\u00fc Sava\u015ftan B\u00f6lgesel D\u00fczen Kuruculu\u011funa - Darka Mazi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/darkamazi.site\/archives\/1039242\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Kontroll\u00fc Sava\u015ftan B\u00f6lgesel D\u00fczen Kuruculu\u011funa - Darka Mazi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"T\u00fcrkiye ve PKK \u00c7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n Elli Y\u0131l\u0131, G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n Devletle\u015fme Sorunu ve K\u00fcrt Hareketinin Tarihsel Paradoksu B\u00f6l\u00fcm: T\u00fcrkiye, PKK’yi yaln\u0131zca ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir tehdit olarak de\u011fil, uzun s\u00fcre y\u00f6netilebilir bir tehdit olarak ele ald\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye-PKK \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k elli y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihini yaln\u0131zca \u201cter\u00f6rle m\u00fccadele\u201d veya \u201cK\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131ndan biriyle a\u00e7\u0131klaman\u0131n yetersiz oldu\u011fu nu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. 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T\u00fcrkiye-PKK \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k elli y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihini yaln\u0131zca \u201cter\u00f6rle m\u00fccadele\u201d veya \u201cK\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131ndan biriyle a\u00e7\u0131klaman\u0131n yetersiz oldu\u011fu nu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. 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