David Harris, ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz haziran ay\u0131nda Telegraph’ta yay\u0131mlanan ve k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede K\u00fcrt kamuoyunda geni\u015f yank\u0131 bulan analizinde rahats\u0131z edici ama bir o kadar da isabetli bir soru sordu: K\u0131rk milyonu a\u015fk\u0131n n\u00fcfusuyla d\u00fcnyan\u0131n devletsiz en kalabal\u0131k halk\u0131 olan K\u00fcrtler, kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015f soyk\u0131r\u0131ma, kimyasal silah sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na ve y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n bir devletsizli\u011fe ra\u011fmen neden Bat\u0131 kamuoyunun vicdan\u0131n\u0131 bu denli az harekete ge\u00e7iriyor? Harris’in tezi, sadece bir g\u00f6zlem olman\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, uluslararas\u0131 siyasetin ahlaki s\u00f6ylemindeki yap\u0131sal bir \u00e7arp\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa i\u015faret ediyor. Bu yaz\u0131da, Harris’in arg\u00fcman\u0131n\u0131 hem destekleyerek hem de K\u00fcrt meselesinin somut siyasi tarihiyle derinle\u015ftirerek geni\u015fletmeyi ama\u00e7l\u0131yorum.<\/p>\n
Harris’in de vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, K\u00fcrt devletsizli\u011finin k\u00f6keni bir kaza de\u011fil, bilin\u00e7li bir tercihin sonucudur. 1920 Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131, Osmanl\u0131’n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc sonras\u0131nda K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fini ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ihtimalini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a tan\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131; ancak bu tan\u0131nma hi\u00e7bir zaman siyasi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmedi. Bunun yerine K\u00fcrdistan topraklar\u0131, Londra ve Paris’teki masalarda \u00e7izilen s\u0131n\u0131rlarla d\u00f6rt ayr\u0131 devletin \u2014 \u0130ran, Irak, Suriye ve T\u00fcrkiye \u2014 s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131. Bu, yaln\u0131zca bir harita d\u00fczenlemesi de\u011fil, bir halk\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan iptaliydi.<\/p>\n
Bu iptalin ikinci perdesi, genellikle g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilen bir ayr\u0131nt\u0131da gizlidir: 1925’te Milletler Cemiyeti’nin Musul vilayetinin stat\u00fcs\u00fcne ili\u015fkin karar\u0131, b\u00f6lgedeki petrol rezervlerinin \u0130ngiliz mandas\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki Irak’a ba\u011flanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nceleyerek K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusun kendi kaderini tayin talebini bir kez daha es ge\u00e7ti. 1946’daki k\u0131sa \u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fc Mahabad Cumhuriyeti’nin Sovyet deste\u011finin \u00e7ekilmesiyle birlikte h\u0131zla \u00e7\u00f6kmesi de ayn\u0131 \u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcn\u00fcn bir ba\u015fka \u00f6rne\u011fidir: K\u00fcrt siyasi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ne zaman b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na hizmet etmekten \u00e7\u0131ksa, terk edilmeye mahk\u00fbm k\u0131l\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Sevr’in yerini alan 1923 Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131’n\u0131n K\u00fcrt meselesini uluslararas\u0131 hukuk g\u00fcndeminden fiilen silmesi, tek seferlik bir ihmal de\u011fil, tekrar eden bir diplomatik refleksin ilk b\u00fcy\u00fck tezah\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu tarihsel s\u00fcreklilik, Harris’in “bu bir kaza de\u011fil” \u00f6rt\u00fck iddias\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir zemine oturtur.<\/p>\n
Harris, K\u00fcrt ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kanlar\u0131n en s\u0131k kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 arg\u00fcman\u0131 \u2014 “mevcut s\u0131n\u0131rlar de\u011fi\u015ftirilemez” \u2014 Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131, Yugoslavya ve \u00c7ekoslovakya’n\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi, G\u00fcney Sudan, Eritre ve Do\u011fu Timor’un ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 ve fiilen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z Somaliland \u00f6rnekleriyle \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor. Bu listeye tarihsel olarak Kosova’n\u0131n 2008’deki tek tarafl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ilan\u0131 ile Karada\u011f’\u0131n 2006’da S\u0131rbistan’dan referandumla ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 da eklemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn; \u00fcstelik Kosova \u00f6rne\u011fi, Bat\u0131’n\u0131n bizzat destekledi\u011fi, NATO’nun askeri olarak g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve otuz k\u00fcsur \u00fclkenin h\u0131zla tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131r de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi olmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00e7ifte standard\u0131 daha da \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
Buradaki as\u0131l \u00e7eli\u015fki, “toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc” ilkesinin hangi durumlarda kutsal, hangi durumlarda m\u00fczakereye a\u00e7\u0131k say\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. S\u0131rbistan’\u0131n toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc arg\u00fcman\u0131 NATO m\u00fcdahalesiyle bertaraf edilirken, Sudan’\u0131n toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc 2011’de referandumla resmen b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcrken, Irak’\u0131n toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc arg\u00fcman\u0131 2017’de K\u00fcrtlerin %92,7’lik “evet” oyuna ra\u011fmen aniden dokunulmaz ilan edildi. Bu se\u00e7icilik, uluslararas\u0131 hukukun norm olarak de\u011fil, jeopolitik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma arac\u0131 olarak i\u015fledi\u011finin a\u00e7\u0131k bir kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Harris’in makalesinde k\u0131saca de\u011findi\u011fi 2017 K\u00fcrdistan Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu, asl\u0131nda onun tezinin en somut kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesel Y\u00f6netimi (KRG), Irak’\u0131n en istikrarl\u0131, en \u00e7o\u011fulcu ve kad\u0131n haklar\u0131na, dini \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklere en a\u00e7\u0131k b\u00f6lgesiydi \u2014 Harris’in de belirtti\u011fi gibi. Buna ra\u011fmen referandum sonras\u0131 ya\u015fananlar, uluslararas\u0131 toplumun “self-determinasyon” ilkesine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ne kadar se\u00e7ici oldu\u011funu g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne serdi: Kerk\u00fck’\u00fcn 16 Ekim 2017’de kayb\u0131, Ba\u011fdat merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin \u0130ran destekli g\u00fc\u00e7lerle koordineli askeri harek\u00e2t\u0131 ve \u2014 belki de en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 \u2014 Washington’\u0131n bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te sessiz kalmas\u0131 ya da do\u011frudan Ba\u011fdat’\u0131n yan\u0131nda konumlanmas\u0131.<\/p>\n
Bu terk edili\u015fin izleri, referandumun hemen ard\u0131ndan de\u011fil, y\u0131llar boyunca s\u00fcren bir hukuki ve ekonomik belirsizlikte de g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. 2022’de Irak Federal Y\u00fcksek Mahkemesi’nin K\u00fcrdistan b\u00f6lgesi’nin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z petrol ihracat yasas\u0131n\u0131 anayasaya ayk\u0131r\u0131 bulan karar\u0131, 2023’teki Paris tahkim s\u00fcreci ve Erbil-Ba\u011fdat aras\u0131nda b\u00fct\u00e7e pay\u0131 \u00fczerine s\u00fcregelen anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar, K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesi’nin siyasi \u00f6zerkli\u011finin fiilen a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6stergeleridir. \u00d6te yandan HKN Energy ve Western Zagros gibi Amerikan enerji \u015firketlerinin b\u00f6lgede faaliyetlerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi, Washington’\u0131n K\u00fcrdistan’a y\u00f6nelik ilgisinin ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, siyasi bir teminata d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmedi\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor. Harris’in “retorik ile pratik aras\u0131ndaki a\u00e7\u0131k” olarak adland\u0131r\u0131labilecek bu dinami\u011fe i\u015faret etmesi gerekirdi: ABD, I\u015e\u0130D’e kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fta K\u00fcrt Pe\u015fmerge g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin fedakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan yararlan\u0131rken, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k talebi s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda ayn\u0131 m\u00fcttefikini yaln\u0131z b\u0131rakt\u0131. Bu, Harris’in and\u0131\u011f\u0131 K\u00fcrt atas\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc (“Da\u011flardan ba\u015fka dostumuz yok”) sadece duygusal bir serzeni\u015f olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p, ampirik olarak do\u011frulanabilir bir d\u0131\u015f politika \u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
Harris’in en \u00f6zg\u00fcn katk\u0131s\u0131, bu ilgisizli\u011fin nedenini basit bir kay\u0131ts\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa de\u011fil, ideolojik bir \u00e7er\u00e7evelemeye ba\u011flamas\u0131d\u0131r: Filistin meselesi, \u0130srail’i “k\u00f6t\u00fc adam” konumuna yerle\u015ftiren basit bir ezen-ezilen anlat\u0131s\u0131na kolayca oturtulabilirken, K\u00fcrt meselesinde failler Arap, \u0130ranl\u0131 ve T\u00fcrk devletleri oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in ayn\u0131 anlat\u0131 kal\u0131b\u0131na girmiyor. Bu mekanizmay\u0131 biraz daha a\u00e7makta fayda var, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc mesele sadece “ilgi eksikli\u011fi” de\u011fil, Bat\u0131l\u0131 toplumlar\u0131n kendi vicdan\u0131yla kurdu\u011fu \u00f6zel bir ili\u015fki bi\u00e7imidir. Bir toplumun belirli bir ma\u011fduriyete duyarl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6stermesi, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman o ma\u011fduriyetle kendi tarihi aras\u0131nda do\u011frudan bir sorumluluk ba\u011f\u0131 kurabilmesine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin Filistin meselesinde Bat\u0131, hem s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik ge\u00e7mi\u015fi (Balfour Deklarasyonu’ndan Britanya Mandas\u0131’na uzanan s\u00fcre\u00e7) hem de Yahudi soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki tarihsel su\u00e7lulu\u011fun dolayl\u0131 bir sonucu olarak \u0130srail’in kurulu\u015funa zemin haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015f olman\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r. Bu, davay\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131 vicdan i\u00e7in “kendi hikayesinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131” haline getirir; kamp\u00fcs aktivizminden kilise gruplar\u0131na, sendikalardan akademiye kadar geni\u015f bir kesim, bu meselede kendi toplumunun tarihsel g\u00fcnah\u0131na dair bir hesapla\u015fma imk\u00e2n\u0131 bulur.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt meselesinde ise bu \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fme zemini yoktur \u2014 hatta tam tersi bir durum s\u00f6z konusudur. K\u00fcrtleri bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda tutan akt\u00f6rlerin ba\u015f\u0131nda NATO m\u00fcttefiki T\u00fcrkiye, ABD’nin b\u00f6lgesel dengeleyicisi \u0130ran, ve Bat\u0131’n\u0131n enerji orta\u011f\u0131 Irak ve Suriye rejimleri gelir. Bu failleri te\u015fhir etmek, Bat\u0131l\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin kendi stratejik ittifaklar\u0131n\u0131 sorgulamak anlam\u0131na gelir \u2014 bu da hem h\u00fck\u00fcmetler hem de onlarla dolayl\u0131 olarak eklemlenmi\u015f sivil toplum kanallar\u0131 i\u00e7in rahats\u0131z edici bir pozisyondur. Medya ve kamp\u00fcs aktivizmi, al\u0131\u015fk\u0131n oldu\u011fu “tan\u0131d\u0131k k\u00f6t\u00fc adam” \u015fablonunu (s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci Bat\u0131, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 rejim, i\u015fgalci ordu) ararken, K\u00fcrt meselesinde bu \u015fablona uyan tek ve net bir hedef bulamaz; failler birden fazla, baz\u0131lar\u0131 Bat\u0131’n\u0131n m\u00fcttefiki, baz\u0131lar\u0131 Bat\u0131’ya d\u00fc\u015fman devletler aras\u0131nda da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131k, meselenin basit bir sosyal medya payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na, tek bir sloganla \u00f6zetlenebilecek bir harekete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesini zorla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r \u2014 oysa g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck ekonomisi tam da b\u00f6ylesi basit, tek-failli anlat\u0131lar\u0131 \u00f6d\u00fcllendirir.<\/p>\n
Bu noktada Harris’in b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir bo\u015flu\u011fu doldurmak gerekir: Meselenin sadece Bat\u0131l\u0131 vicdan\u0131n se\u00e7icili\u011fi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin kendi i\u00e7 b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn de bu g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezli\u011fe katk\u0131da bulundu\u011fudur. KDP-YNK aras\u0131ndaki sorunlar, 2017 sonras\u0131nda K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesi’nin uluslararas\u0131 arenada tek bir sesle konu\u015famamas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131 ve bu da Washington’\u0131n “netle\u015fene kadar bekleme” politikas\u0131n\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Suriye taraf\u0131nda ise PYD\/SDG’nin Demokratik Konfederalizm paradigmas\u0131yla K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesi’nin devlet\u00e7i \u00e7izgisi aras\u0131ndaki ideolojik u\u00e7urum, K\u00fcrt hareketinin uluslararas\u0131 kamuoyuna tek ve tutarl\u0131 bir talep sunmas\u0131n\u0131 daha da g\u00fc\u00e7le\u015ftirdi. Yani d\u0131\u015fsal ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fck ile i\u00e7sel b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fck, birbirini besleyen ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran iki eksen olarak okunmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Harris’in yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 sadece bir “kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma” olarak de\u011fil, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerdeki normatif s\u00f6ylemin s\u0131nanmas\u0131 olarak okumak gerekir. Self-determinasyon, insan haklar\u0131 ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131 gibi ilkeler evrensel olduklar\u0131n\u0131 iddia ediyorsa, bu ilkelerin hangi halklara uygulan\u0131p hangilerine uygulanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorusu me\u015fru bir hesap sorma zeminidir. K\u00fcrt meselesi, tam da bu y\u00fczden uluslararas\u0131 hukukun ve Bat\u0131l\u0131 ahlaki s\u00f6ylemin i\u00e7 tutarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 test eden bir turnusol ka\u011f\u0131d\u0131 i\u015flevi g\u00f6r\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n
Bu s\u0131nav yaln\u0131zca K\u00fcrtleri de\u011fil, benzer bi\u00e7imde “anlat\u0131 kal\u0131b\u0131na uymayan” di\u011fer devletsiz halklar\u0131 da ilgilendiriyor; Bat\u0131 Sahra’dan Belucistan a\u00a0 uzanan bir dizi self-determinasyon talebi, ayn\u0131 se\u00e7ici g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n kurban\u0131 olmaya devam ediyor. Harris’in makalesinin sonunda b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 soru \u2014 bu kay\u0131ts\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n nedeni d\u00fcr\u00fcst\u00e7e sorgulanmad\u0131k\u00e7a, evrensel ilkelere ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k iddialar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7i bo\u015f kalaca\u011f\u0131 \u2014 K\u00fcrt meselesinin sadece b\u00f6lgesel bir sorun de\u011fil, uluslararas\u0131 sistemin ahlaki me\u015fruiyetiyle do\u011frudan ili\u015fkili bir mesele oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlat\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
Ya\u015far Bazencir<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
David Harris, ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz haziran ay\u0131nda Telegraph’ta yay\u0131mlanan ve k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede K\u00fcrt kamuoyunda geni\u015f yank\u0131 bulan analizinde rahats\u0131z edici ama bir o kadar da isabetli bir soru sordu: K\u0131rk milyonu a\u015fk\u0131n n\u00fcfusuyla d\u00fcnyan\u0131n devletsiz en kalabal\u0131k halk\u0131 olan K\u00fcrtler, kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015f soyk\u0131r\u0131ma, kimyasal silah sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na ve y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n bir devletsizli\u011fe ra\u011fmen neden Bat\u0131 kamuoyunun vicdan\u0131n\u0131 bu denli […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1039408,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[26],"tags":[31],"class_list":["post-1039407","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-forum","tag-onemli"],"blocksy_meta":{"styles_descriptor":{"styles":{"desktop":"","tablet":"","mobile":""},"google_fonts":[],"version":8}},"seo_head":"\n