25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017 tarihi, K\u00fcrt siyasi tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan en kritik k\u0131r\u0131lma noktalar\u0131ndan biriydi. Bu hamle, K\u00fcrtleri Lozan\u2019da yok sayan stat\u00fckocu sistemin t\u00fcmden par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7abilecek ve Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki jeopolitik dengeleri K\u00fcrtler lehine de\u011fi\u015ftirebilecek stratejik bir ad\u0131md\u0131.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 sand\u0131kta %92,73 gibi ezici bir oranla ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa “Evet” demesine ra\u011fmen bu irade nihai hedefine ula\u015famad\u0131. Fakat K\u00fcrtlerin elinde her zaman kullan\u0131lmaya haz\u0131r, tarihsel bir belge olarak yerini ald\u0131. Referandumun istenen hedefe zaman\u0131nda ula\u015fmamas\u0131 ve sonras\u0131nda ya\u015fananlar iddia edildi\u011fi gibi referandumun i\u00e7eri\u011finin, zamanlamas\u0131n\u0131n ya da K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc modelin yanl\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 de\u011fildi. Mesele, b\u00f6lgesel veya uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi reflekslerden de ibaret de\u011fildi. As\u0131l k\u0131r\u0131lma, K\u00fcrtlerin kendi i\u00e7inden y\u00fckselen referandum kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n
Bug\u00fcn, K\u00fcrdistan Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumunun \u00fczerinden 9 y\u0131l ge\u00e7mi\u015fken geriye d\u00f6n\u00fcp bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ger\u00e7eklik t\u00fcm \u00e7\u0131plakl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ortadad\u0131r: E\u011fer K\u00fcrtler o g\u00fcn bu tarihsel irade etraf\u0131nda kenetlenebilseydi, bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131nda s\u00fcre\u00e7 \u00e7ok daha farkl\u0131 geli\u015fecekti. Bu durumun en somut ve ac\u0131 \u00f6rne\u011fi ise Rojava\u2019da ya\u015fanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Referandumun Zamanlamas\u0131 Do\u011fruydu<\/strong><\/p>\n Referandum konusunda anti-propaganda yapanlar\u0131n s\u0131\u011f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilk ve en \u00f6nemli konu “zamanlama” meselesiydi. Halen daha “zamanlama yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131” denilerek referandumun asl\u0131nda do\u011fru bir siyasi ad\u0131m olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddia ediliyor. Oysa tam tersine; referandumun zamanlamas\u0131 son derece do\u011fruydu.<\/p>\n 2017\u2019nin konjonkt\u00fcrel ko\u015fullar\u0131nda K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in tarihsel bir f\u0131rsat penceresi mevcuttu:<\/p>\n \n \n \n \n Referandum Milliyet\u00e7i Bir Tak\u0131nt\u0131 De\u011fil, Kendi Kaderini Tayin Hakk\u0131yd\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n Referanduma kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan odakl\u0131 yap\u0131 ve \u00e7evreler, bu hamleyi s\u00fcrekli “dar bir milliyet\u00e7i eylem” olarak yaftalamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Oysa referandumun arkas\u0131nda yatan temel dinamik salt bir milliyet\u00e7ilik de\u011fil; uluslararas\u0131 masada K\u00fcrtlerin elini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirecek me\u015fru bir egemenlik belgesiydi. Nitekim Ba\u015fkan Barzani de \u201cReferandumun ertesi g\u00fcn\u00fc devlet ilan edecek de\u011filiz; oturur diyalogla yine konu\u015furuz ama halk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n iradesi ve rengi netle\u015fsin\u201d diyerek s\u00fcrecin diplomatik stratejisini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koymu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n Meseleye \u015f\u00f6yle bakal\u0131m: K\u00fcrdistan halk\u0131 referandumu sonuna kadar destekliyor ve sahipleniyordu. Sadece G\u00fcney\u2019de de\u011fil; Rojhilat\u2019tan Kuzey\u2019e kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131 bu heyecan\u0131n arkas\u0131ndayd\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin Rojava\u2019daki y\u00f6netim de \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a “Biz referandumu destekliyoruz, biz de kendi b\u00f6lgemizde sand\u0131\u011f\u0131 kuruyoruz” deseydi ve e\u015f zamanl\u0131 olarak o sand\u0131ktan %99 oy \u00e7\u0131ksayd\u0131; Rojava bug\u00fcn HT\u015e art\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131larla kurdurulan yeni Suriye Arap Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne entegre olmaya mahk\u00fbm kalmazd\u0131. Mazlum Abdi, o g\u00fcn ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k iradesini destekleme cesareti g\u00f6sterseydi, bug\u00fcn Ahmet \u015eara\u2019n\u0131n dan\u0131\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na raz\u0131 olmak durumunda kalmazd\u0131.<\/p>\n Rojava\u2019n\u0131n bug\u00fcn “entegrasyon” ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u015eam rejimine teslim olma noktas\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesi; K\u00fcrtlerin 2017\u2019deki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k iradesinde birle\u015fememi\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan ve ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir sonucudur. 2017 bir macera de\u011fil; Ba\u015fkan Barzani\u2019nin tek ba\u015f\u0131na g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcslemek zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 stratejik bir ulusal projeydi.<\/p>\n PKK\u2019nin Referandum Kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki Oyun Kuruculu\u011fu<\/strong><\/p>\n Referandum sonras\u0131 YNK y\u00f6netiminin toplu karar\u0131yla Kerk\u00fck\u2019\u00fc Irak ordusu ve Ha\u015fdi \u015eabi\u2019ye teslim etmesi, referandum ruhuna ve K\u00fcrtlerin gelece\u011fine s\u0131rt\u0131ndan saplanan a\u011f\u0131r bir han\u00e7erdi. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te YNK\u2019nin ihyan\u0131 \u00e7ok\u00e7a \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131. Fakat ger\u00e7ekte, referandum kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u015farak K\u00fcrdistan Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu\u2019na do\u011frudan d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k d\u00fczeyinde rol bi\u00e7en ana g\u00fc\u00e7 PKK oldu. PKK, referandum d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n sahada ve medyada as\u0131l oyun kurucusuydu.<\/p>\n PKK, karar\u0131n al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilk haftalarda halktan gelen muazzam ulusal tepki nedeniyle s\u00fcrece a\u00e7\u0131ktan cephe alamad\u0131. \u00d6nce “Zamanlama yanl\u0131\u015f, \u015fimdi s\u0131ras\u0131 de\u011fil” s\u00f6ylemiyle sular\u0131 buland\u0131rd\u0131lar; ancak son iki ayda tutumlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fama a\u015fama sertle\u015ftirdiler. Ba\u015fta Duran Kalkan ve Cemil Bay\u0131k olmak \u00fczere \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcst y\u00f6netimi referandumu hedef almaya ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n Duran Kalkan, K\u00fcrtlerin Lozan\u2019\u0131 y\u0131rt\u0131p atabilece\u011fi tarihsel bir imk\u00e2n\u0131 “Bize kar\u015f\u0131 propaganda olsun diye yap\u0131yorlar” diyecek kadar basitle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Cemil Bay\u0131k ise referanduma 10 g\u00fcn kala, KNK\u2019nin 17. Ola\u011fan Kongresi\u2019ne g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi mesajda: “Milliyet\u00e7ilik ya da mezhep\u00e7ilik temelinde hareket eden Ba\u015fur veya Irak h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinden herhangi birinin yan\u0131nda yer alamay\u0131z” diyerek K\u00fcrtlerin kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131, Irak\u2019taki mezhep\u00e7i-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci rejimin politikalar\u0131yla e\u015fitleme skandal\u0131na imza att\u0131.<\/p>\n PKK, referanduma kar\u015f\u0131 ideolojik bir sava\u015f y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc. Fikirsel olarak referandumu de\u011fersizle\u015ftirmek, onu “dar\/ilkel milliyet\u00e7i bir iktidar hesab\u0131” olarak g\u00f6stermek ve K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n bu irade etraf\u0131nda kenetlenmesini \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in t\u00fcm medya ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 seferber etti.<\/p>\n Bununla da yetinmediler: PKK\u2019nin G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019daki uzant\u0131s\u0131 Tevgera Azadi ve K\u00fcrdistan \u00d6zg\u00fcr Kad\u0131n \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc (RJAK) resm\u00ee a\u00e7\u0131klamalar yaparak halktan sand\u0131kta “RET” oyu kullanmas\u0131n\u0131 istedi. Ayn\u0131 stratejiyle \u015eengal\u2019deki yap\u0131lara da benzer deklarasyonlar yay\u0131nlat\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n Tarihe D\u00fc\u015f\u00fclecek Bir Not:<\/strong><\/p>\n Referanduma kar\u015f\u0131 boykot ve “ret” \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapan RJAK ve Tevgera Azadi, 2024 y\u0131l\u0131na gelindi\u011finde bizzat Irak devleti taraf\u0131ndan yasakland\u0131 ve t\u00fcm mal varl\u0131klar\u0131na el konuldu. Referanduma kar\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klama yapt\u0131r\u0131lan \u015eengal\u2019deki yap\u0131lar ise bug\u00fcn Ba\u011fdat\u2019a ve \u015eam\u2019a entegre olabilmek i\u00e7in kap\u0131 kap\u0131 icazet bekliyor.<\/p>\n Yani, 2017\u2019de K\u00fcrtlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k iradesine ve kendi vatan\u0131ndaki egemenli\u011fine destek vermeyen kim varsa; g\u00fcn\u00fcn sonunda s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci devletlerin insaf\u0131na ve vesayetine mahk\u00fbm oldu\u2026<\/p>\n PKK\u2019nin Meseleleri \u0130deolojik De\u011fil, Ta\u015feronluk Misyonuyla \u0130lgiliydi<\/strong><\/p>\n PKK\u2019nin K\u00fcrtlerin kaderini de\u011fi\u015ftirebilecek stratejik bir referanduma kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 ideolojik duru\u015f, farkl\u0131 bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm program\u0131 ya da KDP ile rekabet gibi kavramlarla a\u00e7\u0131klanamaz. Esas neden, PKK\u2019nin Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki anti-K\u00fcrt cephesi ile ili\u015fki i\u00e7inde kendisine alan a\u00e7an bir g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesidir.<\/p>\n Arap Bahar\u0131 sonras\u0131 (2012’den itibaren) PKK\u2019nin, K\u00fcrtlerin en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olma f\u0131rsat\u0131 yakalad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kritik noktalara \u0130ran ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin g\u00f6zetiminde yerle\u015fmesine izin verildi. 2014 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n PKK\u2019yi Kerk\u00fck-Germiyan hatt\u0131na yerle\u015ftirdi\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fini daha \u00f6nce kan\u0131tlar\u0131yla kaleme alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131k. Ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde PKK, Rojava\u2019ya \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n sponsorlu\u011funda ve Esad rejimiyle anla\u015farak girdi. \u015eengal\u2019e de yine \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n y\u00f6netti\u011fi Irak-PKK ili\u015fkileri \u00fczerinden yerle\u015fti.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrk devleti bu girift ili\u015fkileri g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu; fakat K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6z g\u00fcc\u00fcyle hareket eden ve kendini y\u00f6netme hakk\u0131n\u0131 savunan akt\u00f6rler yerine, PKK gibi ta\u015feronla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir yap\u0131n\u0131n sahay\u0131 tutmas\u0131n\u0131 tercih etti. Zaten \u00d6calan ellerindeydi; ba\u015f akt\u00f6r kontrol alt\u0131nda olunca PKK\u2019yi istedikleri zaman y\u00f6nlendirebileceklerini biliyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n Nitekim Arap Bahar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 f\u0131rsat penceresinden anti-K\u00fcrdistan cephesinin bir bombas\u0131 gibi i\u00e7eri f\u0131rlat\u0131lan PKK, tuttu\u011fu t\u00fcm alanlar\u0131 K\u00fcrtlere de\u011fil, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci devletlere teslim etti. T\u0131pk\u0131 bir m\u00fcteahhidin projeyi sahibine teslim etmesi gibi, PKK de zaman i\u00e7inde bu co\u011frafyalar\u0131 peyderpey eski sahiplerine devretti.<\/p>\n Referandum d\u00f6neminde Cemil Bay\u0131k “Ulusal kongre yap\u0131lmadan referandum karar\u0131 al\u0131namaz” diyordu. \u015eimdi ise ayn\u0131 PKK, “entegrasyon” ad\u0131 verilen proje alt\u0131nda K\u00fcrtlerin kendini y\u00f6netme hakk\u0131n\u0131, gen\u00e7lerini, \u015fehirlerini ve yeralt\u0131 zenginliklerini tek tek s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci rejimlere teslim ediyor.<\/p>\n Kerk\u00fck\u2019e gerillan\u0131n gidi\u015fini dev bir propaganda \u015fovuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren PKK, Kas\u0131m S\u00fcleymani\u2019nin y\u00f6netti\u011fi \u015eii milislerin Kerk\u00fck\u2019e girdi\u011fi 16 Ekim gecesi otob\u00fcslere binip sessizce S\u00fcleymaniye ve Mahmur Kamp\u0131\u2019na \u00e7ekildi. Kerk\u00fck\u2019e PKK\u2019yi \u0130ran getirdi, yine \u0130ran \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131.<\/p>\n Rojava\u2019da dengeler de\u011fi\u015fti; alanlar \u00f6nce \u015eii cephesinden al\u0131nd\u0131, ard\u0131ndan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin koordinat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde S\u00fcnni yap\u0131lara devredilme noktas\u0131na getirildi. \u015eimdi ise \u015eengal\u2019i Irak merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetine teslim etmeye haz\u0131rlan\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n Sonu\u00e7 olarak; K\u00fcrdistan Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu bir ruhtu, bir stratejiydi, sars\u0131lmaz bir kararl\u0131kt\u0131. Ve o ruh halen ya\u015f\u0131yor. Referanduma kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kanlar ise bug\u00fcn d\u00f6rt par\u00e7ada s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilerin me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 “entegrasyon” projelerinin alt\u0131nda debelenmeye devam ediyor.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" 25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017 tarihi, K\u00fcrt siyasi tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan en kritik k\u0131r\u0131lma noktalar\u0131ndan biriydi. Bu hamle, K\u00fcrtleri Lozan\u2019da yok sayan stat\u00fckocu sistemin t\u00fcmden par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7abilecek ve Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki jeopolitik dengeleri K\u00fcrtler lehine de\u011fi\u015ftirebilecek stratejik bir ad\u0131md\u0131. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 sand\u0131kta %92,73 gibi ezici bir oranla ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa “Evet” demesine ra\u011fmen bu irade nihai hedefine ula\u015famad\u0131. Fakat K\u00fcrtlerin elinde […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":1039434,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7],"tags":[31],"class_list":["post-1039433","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-editorden","tag-onemli"],"blocksy_meta":{"styles_descriptor":{"styles":{"desktop":"","tablet":"","mobile":""},"google_fonts":[],"version":8}},"seo_head":"\n\n
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